Networks
Political Process Model was developed as a critique of Resource Mobilization Theory, which tended to focus only on formal organisational networks. As Beinin and Vairel (2013) point out, since then several scholars have recognised the importance of informal networks. As they argue, informal factors shape social movements (10-11). As Baylouni (2013: 89) puts it, ‘[m]uch transformation occurs through both the dynamics of everyday life and member involvement in movement institutions that are not geared to formal politics’. Yet, Beinin and Vairel also assure that overemphasis on common cultures and identities in informal settings underappreciates the fact that the movement and its tactics are formed in contestation.
Indeed, the formal sphere was rather unimportant in the Harak. First, this was the largest protest for decades that was not organised by a political party (Abu-Rish, 2016). Second, the Coordination Committee was set up to formally control the protests and facilitate the debate, but its membership itself was a source of debate (Abu-Rish, 2016). According to one activist, Mark Daou, YouStink and WeWantAccountability, the two …show more content…
They argue that the Palestinian refugees were forced to accept short-term solutions, which only made them more vulnerable and dependent on politicians and put different categories of people, such as citizens and refugees, against each other. Stel and el-Husseini feared the same would face the Harak, especially since the original YouStink protesters had already reduced their demands to immediate and practical solutions to the trash problem. Their fears seem to have realised. As Beirut is surrounded by a poverty belt (Traboulsi, 2007), solutions such as reopening Na’ameh and other dumpsites in the margins of Beirut inevitably reinforce the hierarchy of the
Political Process Model was developed as a critique of Resource Mobilization Theory, which tended to focus only on formal organisational networks. As Beinin and Vairel (2013) point out, since then several scholars have recognised the importance of informal networks. As they argue, informal factors shape social movements (10-11). As Baylouni (2013: 89) puts it, ‘[m]uch transformation occurs through both the dynamics of everyday life and member involvement in movement institutions that are not geared to formal politics’. Yet, Beinin and Vairel also assure that overemphasis on common cultures and identities in informal settings underappreciates the fact that the movement and its tactics are formed in contestation.
Indeed, the formal sphere was rather unimportant in the Harak. First, this was the largest protest for decades that was not organised by a political party (Abu-Rish, 2016). Second, the Coordination Committee was set up to formally control the protests and facilitate the debate, but its membership itself was a source of debate (Abu-Rish, 2016). According to one activist, Mark Daou, YouStink and WeWantAccountability, the two …show more content…
They argue that the Palestinian refugees were forced to accept short-term solutions, which only made them more vulnerable and dependent on politicians and put different categories of people, such as citizens and refugees, against each other. Stel and el-Husseini feared the same would face the Harak, especially since the original YouStink protesters had already reduced their demands to immediate and practical solutions to the trash problem. Their fears seem to have realised. As Beirut is surrounded by a poverty belt (Traboulsi, 2007), solutions such as reopening Na’ameh and other dumpsites in the margins of Beirut inevitably reinforce the hierarchy of the