Internal and external migration were both contributing to population changes both at Gazi Bay and Vanga. The percentage of the respondents who had moved from other parts of the country and from Tanzania (temporarily or permanently) was 33% and 27% at Gazi Bay and Vanga, respectively. At Gazi village, human migration was mainly fishermen who move seasonally between the village, and Zanzibar and Pemba in Tanzania. Further, migration at Gazi Bay was also composed of people moving from different parts of the country in search of settlement, notably following the 2007-2008 post-election violence in Kenya. Human movement at Vanga was from both within the country and from Tanzania and were mainly in search for settlement.
Human migration had both …show more content…
While the disputes were ethnic and between native and non- native ethnic groups at Makongeni and Vanga villages, that at Gazi village was between villagers and adjacent plantation owners who had leased the land from the Mazrui family. A public authority representative at Gazi Bay explained that the Mazrui family was the land trustee for locals at Gazi village and upon independence, the family kept the title deeds on behalf of the locals and leased the land to the Indians. He further explained that the growth in population had further motivated the locals to repossess their ancestral land. Consequently, the villagers had stormed a neighboring mango plantation farm and had demarcated the land among themselves. A case regarding this was, however, pending in …show more content…
Members of a chama regularly (weekly for some and monthly or others) contributed an agreed amount of money with an aim of helping each other grow economically. The collected money was then given to one member and the process is repeated until all members get their share. Some chamas operated as self-help groups (investment groups) registered by the Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Development. Self-help groups acted as tools through which villagers would get access to donor funding support and interest-free government loans towards group investment. Some of the self-help groups included; sea-weed farming, and a boardwalk for eco-tourism at Gazi Bay, and crab rearing, bee keeping, and fish ponds at Vanga. However during data collection, some of the groups had already collapsed while the others were hardly generating income. At Vanga, group projects for fish ponds, crab rearing and a mangrove boardwalk, were no longer operational. Villagers attributed the collapse to poor management, theft of mature fish from the ponds by villagers, and lack of commitment as some villagers abandoned fish ponds once they got a share of donor money. On the other hand, Gazi women boardwalk was hardly generating income as the number of tourists visiting the village had significantly
Human migration had both …show more content…
While the disputes were ethnic and between native and non- native ethnic groups at Makongeni and Vanga villages, that at Gazi village was between villagers and adjacent plantation owners who had leased the land from the Mazrui family. A public authority representative at Gazi Bay explained that the Mazrui family was the land trustee for locals at Gazi village and upon independence, the family kept the title deeds on behalf of the locals and leased the land to the Indians. He further explained that the growth in population had further motivated the locals to repossess their ancestral land. Consequently, the villagers had stormed a neighboring mango plantation farm and had demarcated the land among themselves. A case regarding this was, however, pending in …show more content…
Members of a chama regularly (weekly for some and monthly or others) contributed an agreed amount of money with an aim of helping each other grow economically. The collected money was then given to one member and the process is repeated until all members get their share. Some chamas operated as self-help groups (investment groups) registered by the Ministry of Gender, Children and Social Development. Self-help groups acted as tools through which villagers would get access to donor funding support and interest-free government loans towards group investment. Some of the self-help groups included; sea-weed farming, and a boardwalk for eco-tourism at Gazi Bay, and crab rearing, bee keeping, and fish ponds at Vanga. However during data collection, some of the groups had already collapsed while the others were hardly generating income. At Vanga, group projects for fish ponds, crab rearing and a mangrove boardwalk, were no longer operational. Villagers attributed the collapse to poor management, theft of mature fish from the ponds by villagers, and lack of commitment as some villagers abandoned fish ponds once they got a share of donor money. On the other hand, Gazi women boardwalk was hardly generating income as the number of tourists visiting the village had significantly