Deterrence Research

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Introduction

For several years now, sexual offences have often come to the fore in the media due to their heinous nature (ref), particularly child sex offences. As a result of this exposure, there have been several studies done in several contexts- whether it is to establish characteristics of a Child Sex offender (Xavier et al., 2008; Becerra-Garcia et al., 2013; Olivia, 2013). Or to establish what intervention or treatment programs work best to minimise these occurrences (Wilcox et al., 2014; Lasher and Mcgrath, 2016). However, one pertinent issue which seems quite sparse in the literature is whether or not the current application of deterrence (just desserts) principles such as proportional prison sentences on child sex offenders are as
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(Bosworth, 2005). At present, there are two types of deterrence; General, in which the intention is to prevent crime among the general population. In doing so, creates an example of for others in the general population who are yet to participate in criminal activity (Bosworth). Applications of general deterrence include the existence of laws, police, courts, prisons and in some countries corporal punishment and the death penalty (AIC, 2004). The second type of deterrence is specific deterrence.

Applications of specific deterrence are designed to deter the individual from committing a specific crime in the future. According to supporters of specific deterrence punishing offenders to a severe degree will deter them from offending in the future. Examples of specific deterrence include; Random Breath Testing (RBT) legislation and enforcement strategies (AIC). In the application of these laws that Australian states have applied as well as their enforcement strategies make the notion of ‘drink driving’ much less rewarding than being apprehended by the state for breaking the
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Braithwate (1989) suggests that an element of shaming may increase the likelihood of recidivism. The type of shaming that would cause this is known as disintegrative shaming which is on par with stigmatisation (Ttofi and Farrington, 2008). According to Braithwaite, when offenders are exposed to disintegrative shaming, they experience severe levels isolation, loneliness thus offenders are not prioritising their acknowledgement of shame or remorse for the crime they committed (Ttofi and Farrington). As an example when looking at studies that have analysed specific deterrence practices such as sentence length and studied its relationship with recidivism the statistics are surprisingly varying and inconsistent primarily due to the differing variables, such as whether or not prisoners are receiving treatment as a part of their period of incarceration, or the typologies of the offenders that were being

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