According to “European Democracies”, the New Radical Right (NRR) is a new party family characterized by anti-establishment and anti-immigrant rhetoric (Crepaz & Steiner 33). The authors maintain that the NRR is similar to Europe’s 20th century fascist parties in that they adopt similar extreme nationalist rhetoric, making them neofacist parties. By rejecting EU integration, immigration, and globalisation, these parties reject “…everything that [is] alien to the nation.” (Crepaz & Steiner 33) In terms of the two-dimensional model introduced in the text to compare party ideologies (degree of state control of the economy on the horizontal axis and degree of individual freedom on the vertical axis), the NRR is situated in the upper right by the
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This party runs on an anti-Islam, anti-EU, and anti-immigration platform. To analyze the PVV, Henley emphasized the institutional factors that impact the PVV’s chance at forming government. Because the Netherlands has a perfectly proportional system – the entire country is one electoral system – it’s common several small interest parties to vie for power. This feature is best illustrated by the fact that there are currently 28 parties competing in this year’s election. Because of this fragmentation, the PVV is projected to win a plurality. However, because none of the other parties with chances of winning a significant proportion of the seats want to cooperate with the PVV to form a coalition government, it is unlikely that they will be able to form …show more content…
2017) (Henley 2017). Both articles are similar in that they are primarily investigating the potential causes behind the upsurge in NRR support. However, as mentioned earlier, they differ in which factors they emphasize. The Economist emphasizes socioeconomic and institutional grievances, citing the “…fear of job losses due to automation and deindustrialization; a backlash against immigration; distrust of self-serving political elites; [and] the echo-chamber effect of information spread on social media…” as factors contributing to the rise of the FN (n.a. 2017). In contrast, The Guardian investigates the PVV through an institutionalist perspective, citing that despite the expected plurality, the system effectively barres the PVV from forming government because of the nature of coalition building. Henley briefly mentions immigration and EU integration, but such factors are not the focal point of the analysis. In reality, likelihood of a NRR party electorally succeeding is a function of both the electorate and the mechanism for translating vote share into
This party runs on an anti-Islam, anti-EU, and anti-immigration platform. To analyze the PVV, Henley emphasized the institutional factors that impact the PVV’s chance at forming government. Because the Netherlands has a perfectly proportional system – the entire country is one electoral system – it’s common several small interest parties to vie for power. This feature is best illustrated by the fact that there are currently 28 parties competing in this year’s election. Because of this fragmentation, the PVV is projected to win a plurality. However, because none of the other parties with chances of winning a significant proportion of the seats want to cooperate with the PVV to form a coalition government, it is unlikely that they will be able to form …show more content…
2017) (Henley 2017). Both articles are similar in that they are primarily investigating the potential causes behind the upsurge in NRR support. However, as mentioned earlier, they differ in which factors they emphasize. The Economist emphasizes socioeconomic and institutional grievances, citing the “…fear of job losses due to automation and deindustrialization; a backlash against immigration; distrust of self-serving political elites; [and] the echo-chamber effect of information spread on social media…” as factors contributing to the rise of the FN (n.a. 2017). In contrast, The Guardian investigates the PVV through an institutionalist perspective, citing that despite the expected plurality, the system effectively barres the PVV from forming government because of the nature of coalition building. Henley briefly mentions immigration and EU integration, but such factors are not the focal point of the analysis. In reality, likelihood of a NRR party electorally succeeding is a function of both the electorate and the mechanism for translating vote share into