1. I really appreciate have more insights on the CU's history than McGovern's book provides. This gave me a deeper understanding of the "behind-the-scenes" of the consumers' movement in the '30s and '40s, but also about its historical and economic context. This paints a more complex picture of the main players, how they interacted, to what extent they were similar/different, and how they shaped mutually in the public sphere and consumer discussion of that time.
2. Regarding the CAB and other institutional spots that included consumers' participation and the politics of representation and legitimacy (Ch. 2), I wonder if we can expand the discussion about what a consumer is and how should be organized. Both Stole and McGovern's books don't …show more content…
Also regarding the politics of representation and the debate surrounding who should/shouldn't participate (in the CAB, for example, or in the National Conferences, too) emerged the technocratic approach. That is, only who hold some knowledge or expertise can publicly participate. Otherwise, "regular" or "plain" citizens couldn't (or even shouldn't). It is shocking how this very old conception (at least in the domain of consumers' movement, portrayed by Stole and McGovern) is embedded also in our current politics and this exclusion is not coming only from corporate or politic power, but also from the organized citizenship.
4. It is very interesting to see how manufacturers and advertising industry weren't a homogeneous front against consumers, as was the case of the consumer movement, too. That is, not all the players within this both capitalist players agreed on painting consumers' organizations as "red" or manipulated by the Left-wing. Indeed, this influenced both the approaches and the strategies (direct confrontation or collaboration) that business players promoted in the consumer' debate.
5. Manufacturers and the advertising industry seem to work always together. But I am not sure about that. It seems that there were boundaries, but there are not clear enough in the book. Can we discuss a little bit about
2. Regarding the CAB and other institutional spots that included consumers' participation and the politics of representation and legitimacy (Ch. 2), I wonder if we can expand the discussion about what a consumer is and how should be organized. Both Stole and McGovern's books don't …show more content…
Also regarding the politics of representation and the debate surrounding who should/shouldn't participate (in the CAB, for example, or in the National Conferences, too) emerged the technocratic approach. That is, only who hold some knowledge or expertise can publicly participate. Otherwise, "regular" or "plain" citizens couldn't (or even shouldn't). It is shocking how this very old conception (at least in the domain of consumers' movement, portrayed by Stole and McGovern) is embedded also in our current politics and this exclusion is not coming only from corporate or politic power, but also from the organized citizenship.
4. It is very interesting to see how manufacturers and advertising industry weren't a homogeneous front against consumers, as was the case of the consumer movement, too. That is, not all the players within this both capitalist players agreed on painting consumers' organizations as "red" or manipulated by the Left-wing. Indeed, this influenced both the approaches and the strategies (direct confrontation or collaboration) that business players promoted in the consumer' debate.
5. Manufacturers and the advertising industry seem to work always together. But I am not sure about that. It seems that there were boundaries, but there are not clear enough in the book. Can we discuss a little bit about