Naqada 2 Analysis

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The last factor to consider is geography and land. Evidence suggests people progressively became sedentary, building large municipal centers and cemeteries and small farming villages. However, it is unclear how far their settlements reached, as much of it may have been destroyed to make room for new buildings or have modern cities built on top of them. This hinders our ability to find complete settlement patterns and how they may have compared with other civilizations at the time. The rigid restrictions of habitable land also meant that any form of connection (namely unification and trade) between Upper and Lower Egypt grew relatively fast, and would easily evolve to have a shared government, religious beliefs and practices, and overall culture.
This observation is another approach used by scholars to reconstruct the pre-dynastic period. The focus was on social movement in relation to the land. During the time of unification, many elements that were only present in
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Naqada I through Naqada II was relatively stable throughout, but when they wished to expand northward in Naqada III, warfare tactics had to be used to conquer the people of Lower Egypt. Proof of warfare was illustrated in some of the decoration on pottery in the cemeteries (where Egyptian art already began to be more functionalistic and used for story-telling). As seen in modern wars, funding must be redirected to the military, its troops, and production of weaponry and arsenal. Other economic institutions suffer a loss; in this case, it appears that foreign trade suffered since there was a dramatic decrease of goods found in Naqada III. During unification, the group started to relocate their main burial centers to places more north, such as Abydos, where there were no such structures in place beforehand. The state grew and marked its territory on a regional

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