Bier analyzes the catalyst for the expansion of women into the workforce. The chapter explains how despite the fact that women’s actual participation in the workforce was generally low it was the ideological and symbolic work that these few women did that illustrated the strong state promotion of the new “working woman”. The few women that were in the workforce were imperative in demonstrating the states responsibilities and “claimed new responsibilities for ensuring both the inclusion and the regulation of women in the newly defined spaces of revolutionary public life” (p. 62). One of Bier’s main arguments from the second chapter is that the view that the home and the workplace as gendered and classed spaces and the emphasis on the need to modernize domestic spaces “not only reinforced the bourgeois home as a privileged location of gender difference but also provided solutions that were largely available only to middle-class women.” (p. 100). This is an important point to make because many of the privileges of state feminism under Nasser were only accessible to middle and upper class
Bier analyzes the catalyst for the expansion of women into the workforce. The chapter explains how despite the fact that women’s actual participation in the workforce was generally low it was the ideological and symbolic work that these few women did that illustrated the strong state promotion of the new “working woman”. The few women that were in the workforce were imperative in demonstrating the states responsibilities and “claimed new responsibilities for ensuring both the inclusion and the regulation of women in the newly defined spaces of revolutionary public life” (p. 62). One of Bier’s main arguments from the second chapter is that the view that the home and the workplace as gendered and classed spaces and the emphasis on the need to modernize domestic spaces “not only reinforced the bourgeois home as a privileged location of gender difference but also provided solutions that were largely available only to middle-class women.” (p. 100). This is an important point to make because many of the privileges of state feminism under Nasser were only accessible to middle and upper class