Women’s experiences of sexism are frequent, occurring once or twice a week and have adverse individual consequences (Swim et al., 2001). Sexist events occur in many contexts of women’s live, consisting of hostile and benevolent gender role stereotyping, derogatory comments and behaviour, and sexual objectification (Swim et al., 2001). Previous research has provided support for a positive relationship between women’s sexist experiences and psychological distress (Moradi & Subich, 2004; Swim et al., 2001). Furthermore, research by Fischer and Bolton Holz (2007) determined sexist experiences predicted greater depression and anxiety in women and Swim et al. (2001) predicted lower self-esteem and competence in women. Given the detrimental nature
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Research indicates that although many women desire to confront sexism, a common challenge is the perception of interpersonal costs, such as being labeled a complainer, experiencing retaliation, and social rejection (Hyers, 2007; Kaiser & Miller, 2004; Shelton & Stewart, 2004). Hyers (2007) study exploring women’s responses to interpersonal prejudice confrontation reported majority of responses were non-assertive however in 75% of incidents participants were likely to consider than make assertive responses. Furthermore, consistent with expectations, those participants with gender role prescriptions were less likely to respond assertively. In a similar vein, findings by Shelton and Stewart (2004) showed in a high social cost situation women are less likely to confront sexism than in a low social cost situation and further reported women in the study rarely aggressively confronted sexism. However, potential methodological critiquing limitations exist for both studies. Firstly, the study by Hyers (2007) was a retrospective study therefore subject to recall bias and inferences were deduced from a single sexist event only. Secondly, the study by Shelton and Stewart (2004) as a laboratory experimental design involved strangers who were majority white females therefore could lack …show more content…
In sexual harassment literature, previous research focuses only on direct verbal comments to offenders as assertive confrontation (Herrera, Herrera & Exposito, 2014; Shelton & Stewart, 2004). In contrast, in laboratory studies using the framework by Swim et al. (1998) confrontation responses range from assertive to non-assertive. Assertive responses being ‘communicate one’s displeasure in a way that is visible to the perpetrator ‘(p. 50) and includes both verbal and nonverbal responses. Nonverbal responses include shaking one’s heads or rolling one’s eyes and angry looks. Yet, in a future study by Swim and Hyers (1999), ‘direct confrontation’ did not include nonverbal confrontations and only verbal indicators of disagreement or displeasure were considered. While the broadest conceptual classification of ‘confrontation’ differs in research on women responses to sexism, confronting sexism is a useful strategy for curbing sexism behaviour (Kaiser & Miller, 2004). Rather than focus on the differing approaches in labeling women’s responses to sexism, this paper will focus on reviewing the specific ways of delivery of confrontational responses that have the most effective intrapersonal and interpersonal outcomes. Direct confrontation (verbal) or indirect confrontation (non-verbal), angered or subtle, aggressive or
Research indicates that although many women desire to confront sexism, a common challenge is the perception of interpersonal costs, such as being labeled a complainer, experiencing retaliation, and social rejection (Hyers, 2007; Kaiser & Miller, 2004; Shelton & Stewart, 2004). Hyers (2007) study exploring women’s responses to interpersonal prejudice confrontation reported majority of responses were non-assertive however in 75% of incidents participants were likely to consider than make assertive responses. Furthermore, consistent with expectations, those participants with gender role prescriptions were less likely to respond assertively. In a similar vein, findings by Shelton and Stewart (2004) showed in a high social cost situation women are less likely to confront sexism than in a low social cost situation and further reported women in the study rarely aggressively confronted sexism. However, potential methodological critiquing limitations exist for both studies. Firstly, the study by Hyers (2007) was a retrospective study therefore subject to recall bias and inferences were deduced from a single sexist event only. Secondly, the study by Shelton and Stewart (2004) as a laboratory experimental design involved strangers who were majority white females therefore could lack …show more content…
In sexual harassment literature, previous research focuses only on direct verbal comments to offenders as assertive confrontation (Herrera, Herrera & Exposito, 2014; Shelton & Stewart, 2004). In contrast, in laboratory studies using the framework by Swim et al. (1998) confrontation responses range from assertive to non-assertive. Assertive responses being ‘communicate one’s displeasure in a way that is visible to the perpetrator ‘(p. 50) and includes both verbal and nonverbal responses. Nonverbal responses include shaking one’s heads or rolling one’s eyes and angry looks. Yet, in a future study by Swim and Hyers (1999), ‘direct confrontation’ did not include nonverbal confrontations and only verbal indicators of disagreement or displeasure were considered. While the broadest conceptual classification of ‘confrontation’ differs in research on women responses to sexism, confronting sexism is a useful strategy for curbing sexism behaviour (Kaiser & Miller, 2004). Rather than focus on the differing approaches in labeling women’s responses to sexism, this paper will focus on reviewing the specific ways of delivery of confrontational responses that have the most effective intrapersonal and interpersonal outcomes. Direct confrontation (verbal) or indirect confrontation (non-verbal), angered or subtle, aggressive or