Crenshaw emphasizes the salience of recognizing race and gender as factors of identity that intersect to shape women of color's (WOC) experiences of violence. Outlining this concept via discussions of social structure, politics, and representation, she also points to the manner in which WOC commonly become marginalized within both anti-racist and feminist activism. Crenshaw states that WOC endure "subordination based on both race and gender" (1270). As targets of racism and sexism, they are immersed in a reality of oppression, and are frequently excluded as "primary beneficiaries" of the movements working to end these injustices (1269). As such, there is a lack of attention paid to the sexualization, racialization, and multitude of other
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For, in actuality, political and social efforts made under this mentality have historically catered to the realities of middle-class, white women, and have marginalized lower-class, non-whites. In programs and legislation meant to protect "all women" in the face of abuse, rape, and other forms of violence, Crenshaw cites specific examples of "intersectional disempowerment" (1252). One is led to see instances wherein Latina women have been denied admittance to domestic violence shelters due to their lack of English-proficiency, and others wherein immigrant women have been unable to leave their abusive relationships out of fear of losing their green card. Even more, WOC rape victims have not been taken seriously due to denigrating stereotypes which assume that they are sexually promiscuous and lack moral character (1280). And yes, while all women do work to combat sexist judgment, gender policing, and extreme injustices, Crenshaw argues that WOC are judged by "who they are, not by what they do" (1280). Thus, one can observe how the "all" women rhetoric is a façade, and that realities are subject to change based on intersectionality. Here, then, we see a connection to Connell (2009), who states that "the differences among women" are "highly relevant" to our social world and must not be dismissed for the
For, in actuality, political and social efforts made under this mentality have historically catered to the realities of middle-class, white women, and have marginalized lower-class, non-whites. In programs and legislation meant to protect "all women" in the face of abuse, rape, and other forms of violence, Crenshaw cites specific examples of "intersectional disempowerment" (1252). One is led to see instances wherein Latina women have been denied admittance to domestic violence shelters due to their lack of English-proficiency, and others wherein immigrant women have been unable to leave their abusive relationships out of fear of losing their green card. Even more, WOC rape victims have not been taken seriously due to denigrating stereotypes which assume that they are sexually promiscuous and lack moral character (1280). And yes, while all women do work to combat sexist judgment, gender policing, and extreme injustices, Crenshaw argues that WOC are judged by "who they are, not by what they do" (1280). Thus, one can observe how the "all" women rhetoric is a façade, and that realities are subject to change based on intersectionality. Here, then, we see a connection to Connell (2009), who states that "the differences among women" are "highly relevant" to our social world and must not be dismissed for the