Newell’s (2012) ethnography opens with a comment from an Ivorian tailor, describing the pride that Ivoirians take in imitation, that they ‘imitate at 100%’ (pg. 1). This understanding …show more content…
Despite the fact most Ivorian young people are very poor and struggle in their day to day lives (Newell, 2012), many wear notable American or European brands in order to gain respect from their peers. These brands have gained a level of respect in the wider community, and are no longer merely a description of the maker of the product, but have an image and reputation of their own (Manning, 2010). Thus, the wearing of these brands provides the wearer with an image that is known and respected by their peers. Individuals produce a sense of selfhood based on the clothing they wear, and it becomes a symbol of how individuals define themselves within a greater community (Friedman, …show more content…
To live in Europe, for most young Ivoirians, is the dream. It would offer a higher quality of life, with access to the freedoms not available in the Ivory Coast. However, the Ivorian social structure requires that those who are returning provide gifts to those in their social network (Newell, 2012). In order to maintain social relationships, gift giving occurs to both reciprocate from those that supported the emigrant on their original journey and to maintain and legitimise the new identity as a person of high status (Newell, 2012). However, these gifts were often beyond the ability of recipients to reciprocate, and can be seen as distributing wealth back into the community that supported them (Castles, 2009). Newell (2012) argues that migration can be ‘considered a form of consumption’. Migration can also be interpreted as a form of cultural expression, and brings social change to the individual and the wider group with which they interact (Hedberg & Kepsu,