Argentina has a history of conflict both within and between it and other nations. This conflict and government policy has led directly to the many resistance movements that have been established. Both historically and recently, there has been high female participation in these resistances, therefore demonstrating a feminisation of resistance in Argentina. Similarly, much conflict surrounds social reproduction in the country. This being one of the many causes of resistances and a means of solution to the crisis. Through the movements of the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, the unemployed workers who became known as Piqueteros and lastly, the Ni Una Menos resistance. This politicisation of social reproduction and the feminisation of resistance
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Such as the nineteenth century civil wars and the following military dictatorship of the twentieth century (Shabily, 2014: 85), but the majority of resistance was initiated during the economic crisis. In 2001, Argentina was rocked by the collapse of their economy, with protesters flooding the streets exclaiming “Que se vayan todaos (they all must go)” in relation to the countries government officials (Sutton, 2007: 129). At this time unemployment soared and means of social security heavily reduced, women took the lead in organising resistance to the neoliberal policies in place that caused the crisis (Mason-Deese, 2016: 65).The citizens, specifically the women, “compelled them to become active participants” (Shabily, 2014: 85). These women developed alternative practices that directly lead to the survival of thousands during the crisis, without any state support (Mason-Deese, 2016: 65). With the loss of the state funded safety net, the state essentially withdrew from its role in continuing social reproduction, “cutting spending on health care, education, unemployment benefits and general aid to the poor” rising utility and basic goods prices. These women were forced to pick up the extra costs in order to protect their families and their communities (Mason-Deese, 2016: 72). Therefore, it becomes increasingly evident that the structural adjustment policies in place in neoliberal capitalism “disproportionately affect women” (Mason-Deese, 2016: 72), thus leading to a feminisation of resistance, with these women fighting for their families and themselves against a system that is already against them. Demonstrating the violence of globalised capitalism (Sutton, 2007: 129). But, these women are not passive victims and their movements of resistance are evident and will be
Such as the nineteenth century civil wars and the following military dictatorship of the twentieth century (Shabily, 2014: 85), but the majority of resistance was initiated during the economic crisis. In 2001, Argentina was rocked by the collapse of their economy, with protesters flooding the streets exclaiming “Que se vayan todaos (they all must go)” in relation to the countries government officials (Sutton, 2007: 129). At this time unemployment soared and means of social security heavily reduced, women took the lead in organising resistance to the neoliberal policies in place that caused the crisis (Mason-Deese, 2016: 65).The citizens, specifically the women, “compelled them to become active participants” (Shabily, 2014: 85). These women developed alternative practices that directly lead to the survival of thousands during the crisis, without any state support (Mason-Deese, 2016: 65). With the loss of the state funded safety net, the state essentially withdrew from its role in continuing social reproduction, “cutting spending on health care, education, unemployment benefits and general aid to the poor” rising utility and basic goods prices. These women were forced to pick up the extra costs in order to protect their families and their communities (Mason-Deese, 2016: 72). Therefore, it becomes increasingly evident that the structural adjustment policies in place in neoliberal capitalism “disproportionately affect women” (Mason-Deese, 2016: 72), thus leading to a feminisation of resistance, with these women fighting for their families and themselves against a system that is already against them. Demonstrating the violence of globalised capitalism (Sutton, 2007: 129). But, these women are not passive victims and their movements of resistance are evident and will be