Therefore, it is important to measure whether the structure and content of communication flow homogeneously within networks accessible to the poor (Frenzen & Nakamoto, 1993). The problems of poverty and deprivation are complex and may not be solved with good policies and efficient markets, although these do help at the ground level (Bertrand et al., 2004). Researchers of poverty in urban and rural settings work tirelessly to describe the various ways in which the poor live in those communities (e.g., Edin & Lein, 1997; Ehrenreich, 2001; Jensen & Eggebeen, 1994; Nelson & Smith, 1998, 1999; Newman, 1999; Stack, 1974; Tickamyer & Wood, 1998; Venkatesh, 2000). Lewis (1959) argued that the poor share a common culture that cuts across regional, rural-urban, and national borders. In contrast, Harrington (1962) argued that this common culture consists only of the products and causes of poverty. In the United States, evidence suggests a disproportion of diversity and cultural norms in different poverty settings. Sherman (2006) argued that within rural communities, the choices of the poor influence their survival and community existence through the creation or reduction of moral capital, a form of symbolic capital based on apparent moral worth. As such, financially balanced coping strategies in urban settings may be socially and economically irrational in rural areas (Sherman, 2006). Moreover, as Fischer (1975) established, rural settings differ substantially from urban ones, since urban settings offer a greater range of survival strategies suitable for separate subcultural spheres. Lamont (2000) stated that morality can force people of low socioeconomic status to locate themselves above others of similar or higher status. Sayer (2000, 2004) argued that the moral criteria social groups use
Therefore, it is important to measure whether the structure and content of communication flow homogeneously within networks accessible to the poor (Frenzen & Nakamoto, 1993). The problems of poverty and deprivation are complex and may not be solved with good policies and efficient markets, although these do help at the ground level (Bertrand et al., 2004). Researchers of poverty in urban and rural settings work tirelessly to describe the various ways in which the poor live in those communities (e.g., Edin & Lein, 1997; Ehrenreich, 2001; Jensen & Eggebeen, 1994; Nelson & Smith, 1998, 1999; Newman, 1999; Stack, 1974; Tickamyer & Wood, 1998; Venkatesh, 2000). Lewis (1959) argued that the poor share a common culture that cuts across regional, rural-urban, and national borders. In contrast, Harrington (1962) argued that this common culture consists only of the products and causes of poverty. In the United States, evidence suggests a disproportion of diversity and cultural norms in different poverty settings. Sherman (2006) argued that within rural communities, the choices of the poor influence their survival and community existence through the creation or reduction of moral capital, a form of symbolic capital based on apparent moral worth. As such, financially balanced coping strategies in urban settings may be socially and economically irrational in rural areas (Sherman, 2006). Moreover, as Fischer (1975) established, rural settings differ substantially from urban ones, since urban settings offer a greater range of survival strategies suitable for separate subcultural spheres. Lamont (2000) stated that morality can force people of low socioeconomic status to locate themselves above others of similar or higher status. Sayer (2000, 2004) argued that the moral criteria social groups use