This qualitative phenomenological study on (a) the devaluation of foreign work credentials, (b) employment biases and disparities, and (c) the start of entrepreneurship offered an amalgamated view of China-born immigrants’ lived experiences in which the factors that affected their selections, and assisted them overcome self-employment barriers, if any, upheld by the Human Capital theory. This study permitted China-born immigrants who had significant experience that challenged the devaluation of their oversea work qualifications or employment problems, and the start of entrepreneurship to recite their lived experiences. The purpose of this study was to extend a better insight of factors that motivated the entrepreneurship of China-born immigrants.
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How do China-born immigrants in the GTA describe their experiences of coping with job discrimination and employment disparities when they have looked for jobs or been employed? Main theme: The effective ways to cope with job discrimination and employment disparities were focused on learning or creativity, advancing job skills, positive thinking, and changing oneself. Since insufficiency of language, and cultural shock, over half of participants with higher human capital described their experiences of coping with job discrimination and employment disparities in the GTA were negative and depressing. Frank, Phythian, Walters, and Anisef (2013) claimed human capital theory failed to account for the fact that job markets were not totally open or neutral, specially, in slow economy, more employment barriers, devaluation of foreign work credentials on ethnic minorities and …show more content…
How do China-born immigrants in the GTA describe the process by which they decided to start their own businesses? Major theme: The decision to become self-employed were driven by strong backgrounds, personal interests, and high demand in local Chinese market. The backgrounds needed for successful self-employment included either (a) higher degrees in education with technical and skilled training, such as P1(BSc), P2 (PhD), P4 (BSc), p7 (MA), P13 (BA), p17 (BSc), and p18 (BSc) or (b) other useful skills, abilities, and talents, such as P8 (dating services), and P21 (hair designer). The findings were consistent with the results of research by Lin and Tao (2012); and Zelekha (2013) stressed the high capacities of human capital and learnings among immigrants in host country, involving strong educational credentials and skill training, have been the vital contributions in the immigrant entrepreneurship and local business community (Banerjee & Phan, 2014; Hart, 2014;). However, as P8 and P21 held only high school background, they were not higher education, the findings contradicted previous research. They could be the successful immigrant entrepreneurs served their ethnic enclaves or communities. This was the so-called: ‘skill for life and anywhere,’ as skillful trades and talents can work or trade anywhere. This finding in the study was new and that contributed to the
How do China-born immigrants in the GTA describe their experiences of coping with job discrimination and employment disparities when they have looked for jobs or been employed? Main theme: The effective ways to cope with job discrimination and employment disparities were focused on learning or creativity, advancing job skills, positive thinking, and changing oneself. Since insufficiency of language, and cultural shock, over half of participants with higher human capital described their experiences of coping with job discrimination and employment disparities in the GTA were negative and depressing. Frank, Phythian, Walters, and Anisef (2013) claimed human capital theory failed to account for the fact that job markets were not totally open or neutral, specially, in slow economy, more employment barriers, devaluation of foreign work credentials on ethnic minorities and …show more content…
How do China-born immigrants in the GTA describe the process by which they decided to start their own businesses? Major theme: The decision to become self-employed were driven by strong backgrounds, personal interests, and high demand in local Chinese market. The backgrounds needed for successful self-employment included either (a) higher degrees in education with technical and skilled training, such as P1(BSc), P2 (PhD), P4 (BSc), p7 (MA), P13 (BA), p17 (BSc), and p18 (BSc) or (b) other useful skills, abilities, and talents, such as P8 (dating services), and P21 (hair designer). The findings were consistent with the results of research by Lin and Tao (2012); and Zelekha (2013) stressed the high capacities of human capital and learnings among immigrants in host country, involving strong educational credentials and skill training, have been the vital contributions in the immigrant entrepreneurship and local business community (Banerjee & Phan, 2014; Hart, 2014;). However, as P8 and P21 held only high school background, they were not higher education, the findings contradicted previous research. They could be the successful immigrant entrepreneurs served their ethnic enclaves or communities. This was the so-called: ‘skill for life and anywhere,’ as skillful trades and talents can work or trade anywhere. This finding in the study was new and that contributed to the