Frantz Fanon The Wrenched Of The Earth Analysis

In the second and third chapter of The Wretched of the Earth, Frantz Fanon discusses the stakes of the struggle for independence. Continuing where he stopped in the preceding chapter “On Violence,” he elaborates on the dangers and possible pitfalls during and after the revolutionary struggle would prevent the former colonies to emerge as truly independent nations. At the center of Fanon’s assessment lays the development of a humanism that supersedes the nationalism that unifies in the revolutionary phase of liberation. In the second chapter, he focuses primarily on the role of national parties and on the long-term strategies to add a political and social dimension to the collective consciousness to prevent economic and political frictions …show more content…
As far as the relations among the former colonies on the continent are concerned, Fanon sees little hope for a productive collaboration until both sides address their racisms – White Africans their anti-black racism, and Black Africans their anti-Islamic attitudes (161-3). However, Fanon points out that the racism of the colonized differs from that of the colonizers. Unlike the racism of the Western bourgeoisie, he describes the colonial bourgeoisie’s racism as one based in fear, a “racism of defense,” that lacks the linguistic sophistication Western style racism relies on, to uphold its claims of universal human rights (163-4). A real Pan African Movement cannot evolve until the nations address their internal frictions. According to Fanon, this can only be achieved by a sea change, an upward thrust of the people through their leaders in clear defiance of the interests of the national bourgeoisie. A government of and by the people that replaces the single party system that has created an elitist ruling class that replicates the exploitation of the colonial rulers (164-7). Complicit in upholding this new form of colonial exploitation are the former leaders of the revolutionary movements, who as the new the political leaders, invoke the memory of the struggle for independence pacify the masses (168-9). The same is true for the parties that have become mere administrative tools for the bourgeoisie, anti-democratic entities that make sure that the people remain “hemmed and demobilized” (171-2). Within this context, the army and the police take on an increasingly important role in safeguarding an absurdly rich elite from ninety percent of the population – the starving underclasses.