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75 Cards in this Set
- Front
- Back
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For Durkheim, some ways of thinking, acting and feelings have “the noteworthy property of existing” not only individually, but, in a sense, outside of individuals
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Money, wars, and nations are all good examples of social facts as defined by Durkheim.
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Durkheim rejects the idea that social facts have “a coercive power.”
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Durkheim says that an industrialist who revived the processes and methods of the previous century might enjoy a stunning business success.
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Durkheim says that childrearing is, in part, a form of education designed to acquaint children with the nature and importance of social facts.
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Durkheim says that a social fact must be “truly general” (that is, common to all people) to be considered genuinely “collective.”
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Durkheim says that social facts can be “recognized” by the resistance they offer whenever we try to work against them.
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According to Durkheim, we can understand the nature of political divisions in a society by simple physical inspection.
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Durkheim says that some kinds of social facts are relatively more binding and permanent than others.
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Durkheim defines social facts as individual ways of acting, feeling and thinking.
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Ulysses, as quoted by Homer, says it is better to have one lord than many.
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La Boétie asks how it happens that people so often accept a tyrant who has no power over them other than the power they themselves give him.
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Only a “great personage” of rare foresight, boldness, and solicitude would be someone whom it would be prudent to habitually obey, La Boétie says.
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For La Boétie the tyrant is typically a “Hercules or Samson,” who rules by sheer physical force.
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La Boétie calls cowardice the “monstrous vice” which leads “a million men, a thousand cities” to accept serfdom, slavery, and worse from a tyrant.
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La Boétie says that tyrants fall when people simply refuse to obey them any longer.
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La Boétie wonders how it happens that people seem to have so little natural desire for liberty, “the only joy upon which men do not seem to insist.”
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La Boétie lived in a society of farms and villages, not cities.
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La Boétie does not demand that people forcibly topple tyrants, but rather that they simply refuse to serve and support them.
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La Boétie rejects the notion that people are, by nature, comrades, closely united by bonds of sympathy and mutual regard.
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La Boétie says that horses resist being tamed; they are by nature anything but docile, and initially fight against being ruled and ridden.
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La Boétie says that elected rulers who become tyrants are generally quite a bit better than tyrants who are born to power or conquer power by force.
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Even newborns, La Boétie says, if given a choice between liberty and tyranny, would choose tyranny.
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La Boétie regrets that peoples so willingly consent to being ruled by a conqueror, even without coercion or deception.
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La Boétie gives as an example of a people which imprudently gave away too much of its power the citizens of Syracuse, who elevated Denis to a position of excessive power, which he then refused to give up.
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Once people lose their liberty, La Boétie says, it is “incredible” how easily they obey, and how little they appear to value or even remember their former liberty.
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La Boétie praises the Venetians for their stubborn and unyielding resistance to the Grand Doge.
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La Boétie praises the Spartans for rejecting Persian offers of power and privilege.
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La Boétie says that peoples are rendered either fit or unfit for subjection by the effects, above all, of climate.
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La Boétie says that people normally think that what they are accustomed to is natural.
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La Boétie says that people are like race horses, who at first resist being tamed and ridden, but ultimately learn to like their subjection.
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La Boétie says that the Grand Turk, realizing that books and teaching tend to undermine tyranny, sharply limited education for his people.
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La Boétie says that when Brutus and Cassius died, the Roman Republic died with them.
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La Boétie criticizes Hippocrates for denying that people who live under tyrants become cowardly and submissive.
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“Uneasy is the head that wears the crown,” as Shakespeare famously wrote. La Boétie would have agreed with this statement.
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V\ La Boétie says that tyrants often buy public loyalty with acts of seeming generosity -- but that this generosity is really just a matter of returning to the people a fraction of what the tyrant had previously taken from then.
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La Boétie says the Romans never forgave the tyrant Nero for his crimes.
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Julius Caesar was a rarity, La Boétie says -- a praiseworthy tyrant.
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Abraham Lincoln famously said that you can’t fool all the people all the time. La Boétie would have agreed with him completely.
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La Boétie stresses that tyrants seek to train their people, not to adore them, but simply to obey them.
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Victor Hugo’s novel Les miserables tells the story of an impoverished man who steals to put bread on the table. Tristan would have been unsympathetic to his plight.
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Tristan denies the charge that the workers of her day were brutalized, ignorant, or embittered.
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Tristan says that, because the situation of workers is deeply and unacceptably precarious, they must be guaranteed employment by law.
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Tristan says that the “main cause” of the workers’ suffering is that they remain separate and alone, without even as much unity as bees or ants.
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Tristan says that riots and armed revolt would only make the workers’ plight worse.
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The big riots in Lyons that are discussed in a footnote came after a failed effort to agree on a minimum wage.
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The “palace” of the Workers Union, as Tristan envisions it, would be strictly for union lectures and business; she rejects the idea that this palace would also shelter and care for the ill, the infirm, the young and the old.
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Tristan says that the French working class consists of an equal number of men and women.
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Tristan denies that workers could ever collectively think, feel, or act alike or together.
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Tristan acknowledges that few workers have the time or ability to read, and that, if she truly hopes to reach them, she will have to go to them in person.
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Marx’s friend Engels once famously called St. Simon, Fourier, and Owen “utopian socialists.” The evidence suggests that Tristan was unfamiliar with these writers.
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Tristan emphasizes that the workers’ condition must be improved not only physically but psychologically.
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Tristan says that poverty is the root cause of the most of the workers’ woes.
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Saying that it would be unfair to “blame the victims,” Tristan says that she will refrain from criticizing the working class in any way.
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At different points in The Workers’ Union, Tristantan says that, while the working class is the “most populous and useful” social class, the bourgeoisie is at least more “numerous and useful” than the nobility.
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Tristan says that unity is the only antidote for the division, separation, and petty trade rivalries that afflict French workers.
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Tristan scorns the idea that the workers should seek to take advantage of the power of money; only capitalists, she says, can benefit from money, not workers.
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Tristan was very impressed by the unity of the Irish people in standing up to their British conquerors.
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Tristan stresses that the most important of all rights is the right to live; and that only guaranteed employment can assure this.
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Tristan is confident that, once the rich and powerful in France see the justice of her argument, they will gladly and voluntarily share their wealth and power with the workers.
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Tristan says that “the Royalist union” was destroyed, once and for all, by the French Terror of 1793.
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Tristan says that the bourgeoisie achieved its independence in 1789, when it united effectively to oppose the privileges of the nobility
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Tristan denies that the bourgeois can be considered capitalists.
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Tristan praises the St. Simonians for defending the honor of manual labor.
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Tristan regrets that the “Societarian” theorist Victor Considerant so adamantly rejected the workers’ right to employment and organization.
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Tristan insisted that the workers’ leaders and representatives should be paid no more than any ordinary manual laborer.
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Tristan believes that millions of “non-owners” will rally to the working-class cause, including artists, teachers, small businessmen and even small investors.
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Tristan calls women “the most oppressed class.”
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Tristan agrees, in her note on Prosper Enfantin, that the workers need regimentation even more than representation, just as if they were in the military.
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Tristan rejoices that women are no longer asked to serve as “appendages” to men or to accept their “complete authority.”
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Tristan says that, when women are called upon to participate equally in social life, the total wealth of society will increase dramatically.
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The saving grace for young girls raised at home, Tristan says, is that they are sheltered by motherly love, which, in almost every case, gives them the strength to cope with adversity without bitterness or despair.
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For women, Tristan says, the family is a haven in a heartless world; public life may be barred to them, but they at least enjoy the love and care of their parents and husbands.
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Tristan says that receiving a rational education would empower women, and that this would also strengthen their children and the entire working class.
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It is up to the workers, Tristan says, to establish justice and equality in the relations between men and women.
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