Use LEFT and RIGHT arrow keys to navigate between flashcards;
Use UP and DOWN arrow keys to flip the card;
H to show hint;
A reads text to speech;
26 Cards in this Set
- Front
- Back
Instability
|
- General lack of governability, possible crisis of government as a result of impeachment of the president
- here: will be used in context of pol deadlock and ineffective coalitions |
|
Instability and crisis of regime
|
- Presidential PR seen by critics as meaning that crisis of gov easily becomes crisis of regime
- but actual instances of regime crisis were pre-74 - focus on Southern cone ( ≠ Haiti 04, post-Aristide violence and non-dem status) |
|
Presidential PR systems
|
- Dual democratic legitimacy
- Proportional Representation: percentage of seats received matches share of vote |
|
DDL
|
- separate mandates for executive/legislative + President can be elected without maj in Assembly
- symbolic strength of presidency (plebiscitary nature + symbolic attributes: head of nation) |
|
DDL v Parliamentarism
|
- executive appointed by and accountable to legislature, resulting in nested hierarchies and vertical accountability
- in Pr: separate mandate legislature/executive: no democratic principle to resolve dispute between the two (so 'poder moderador' of the army) |
|
PR and instability
|
- higher fragmentation (number of parties): parties range over a wide ideological spectrum, all holding less seats
- combined with open party lists, this can lead to weak party system |
|
Presidentialism and instability
|
- relationship between President and legislature
- institutional and accidental/individual factors (Llanos+Margheritis) |
|
Presidents: Perceived v actual authority 1
|
- tradition of Pres systems goes with authoritarian legacy remaining from bureaucratic authoritarian regimes of 60s:
- executive vested with symbolic strength not mirrored in actual capacity to govern: concentration of symbolic accountability |
|
Presidents: Perceived v actual authority 2
|
- stuck between high expectations and relatively low power due to fragmented party system
- Opposition parties have no reason to rally to Pres: stand to gain no credit for successful policies, and blame for unsuccessful ones |
|
Presidents: Perceived v actual authority: examples
|
- Presidents ousted in 00s following opposition for austerity measures (IMF-driven): Perez (Venezuela), de la Rua (Argentina), Sanchez de Lozada (Bolivia)
- Ousted for insufficient action taken against econ crisis: Alfonsin (Argentia), Collor de Mello |
|
Pres system and rigidity (electoral timetables)
|
- non coinciding timetables: if Pres loses majority in congressional elections, expected to finish term ≠ change of leadership in Parl
- President cannot be 'evacuated' w/o special measures (impeachment), which leads to instability |
|
Presidential system and instability so far 1: systemic
|
- Institutional and symbolic constraints/rigidities
- in an essay, good place to cite examples - Valenzuela: instability as systemic ≠ episodic |
|
Presidential system and instability so far 2: Presidents and majorities
|
- despite symbolic accountability, LA presidents 'reign' rather than 'rule'
- weak due to congressional majorities (less than 1/2 win by absolute majority, only 1/4 have legislative majority) - parties unwilling to be associated with weak pres/consolidate a strong one |
|
Mainwaring: Presidentialism and Fragmentation
|
- specific link between PR, ensuing party instability, and Presidentialism
- pb is 'polarised pluralism': ideologically fragmented/distant parties - Chile 33-73: only ex of Pr system surviving without working majority for over a decade) |
|
Working majority: definition
|
- 'legislative contingent' which President requires in order to operate effectively (propose/lobby for legislation..)
|
|
The effects of PR and Presidentialism
|
- failure/consequent impeachment of leader (Collor de Mello)
- quasi-dictatorship (Fuji autogolope Apr 92) - so either leader takes control, or is removed. Peter Hakim: need for a) strong parties b) better leadership |
|
Pres: Inherent instability and governable countries
|
- governable countries: Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Uruguay)
- least governable: Ecuador, Peru, Venezuela - if all LA systems are pres, and pres is inherently unstable, why have some reached degree of stability? |
|
Brasil: special case
|
- federalism and resulting indiscipline of ideological catch-all parties: should be typical example of chaotic exec/legis relations
- Limongi+Figuereiredo: even less disciplined parties can expect 85% members to vote in support of party |
|
Brasil: why
|
- why: powers of decree+veto: president has authority to direct policy-making
- all he requires is fluid/cooperative legislature to vote in laws, not a 'creative' legis to initiate policies -+ see party disciple in Lula's PT |
|
|
|
|
Llanos and Margheritis: Importance of leadership (individual factors)
|
Coalitions are at the heart of stable presidential systems
- president leads cooperation between branches of government and legislature, essential in multiparty coalitions |
|
2 points 1: structural constraints v quality of leadership
|
- de la Rua: insurmountable rigidities (and econ crisis)
- Collor de Mollo: insurmountable econ crisis - instead: lack of sufficient leadership skills: CdM u-turn, unwillingness to carry reform through led to alienation from gov |
|
2 points 2: good leadership v populism
|
- so far: populism seemed only way for effective (if undemocratic) gov
- 'the role of leadership is not to impose personal vies, but to help soc define and attain collective goals' - populist leader, with all his strength of char/coercive techniques, is not ex of good leadership - good leadership requires coordination of different actors |
|
Instability: conclusion
|
both structural and accidental: both a healthy legislature-executive relationship and good Head of State are necessary to avoid instability
|
|
Foweraker: reform v overhaul
|
tradition of Pr is entrenched in LA history: reform is better than calling for complete overhaul
|
|
Note on continuismo and Linz
|
- fallacious analogy with Pa of UK, Italy, Scandinavia
- recurring mandates for parties have not led to such fierce continuismo - concludes that presidential systems cause dif political culture - not true: pol culture may be different, but esp nascent: naive to compare European/LA democracies (dif: length of dem history ≠ system of gov) |