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25 Cards in this Set
- Front
- Back
Bennet and Davis 1999
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Hall 64, Warfare and Mycenaean Identity
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Sherratt 2001
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The Palaces were transient phenomena, enhanced by a cardboard façade of palatial culture, whose brief economic and social viability depended on being in the right place at the right time in the history of Maritime interaction.
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Dickinson 2006
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Does not believe in Sherratt's limited view of palaces
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Muhly
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Gives credit to Starr for his early understanding of the importance of the Dark AGes
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Deger-Jalkotzy
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The extensive fortifications at built at LHIIIB2 indicate not might and gradeur but defense and state of instability resulting from some destruction at LHIIIB1
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Rutter 1992
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Greece weather the destruction of the palaces in 1200 fairly well and it is actually around 1100 when there was a rapid decline of Mycenaean culture
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Maran 2001 and 2006
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Building T at Tyrins indicates an attempt by the elite to utilize the short-term past to legitimize their present power. The 12th century references are to a real past unlike the 10th century references to a more mythical past.
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Jung and Mehofer 2005
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Traces the Nave II sword type to the central Mediterranean and believes that it shows an arrival in LHIIIB of new immigrants rather than goods exchange.
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Haggis 2001
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The Defensive posture of sites in Dark Age Greece need not indicate instability and the term "refuge settlement" clouds regionally environmental variables. Kavousi shows a thriving settlement.
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Nowicki 2001
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Believes in the defensive settlements were prevalent all over Crete and believes in the “Sea Peoples” as a serious threat no only to Greece, but all over the Mediterranean
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Whitley 2001, 80-84
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Argues against Snodgrass’ theory of Bronze shortage as the reason for the rise of iron and also does not buy Childe’s theory that the rise of Iron led to the democratization of Greece
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Snodgrass 1989-2006
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2006 Comment – resists depositional model
Argues that the shortage of bronze at the beginning of Iron Age is what led to rise of Iron |
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Morris 1989
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Supports depositional model. The replacement of Bronze by Iron is actually caused by the rise of a new stable order that has Iron as a prestige good and actually and create a material record.
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Sherratt 1994
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Cyprus appears to have played a role in the development of utilitarian iron in the 12th century and Sherrat denies the theory of Snodgrass that 12th century Aegean immigration helped start off the iron utilization
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Sherratt 1993
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Neither diffusion nor autonomy can adequately describe the nature of this process of growth; rather, the pattern of development can best be described as co-evolution within the extending limits and zonation of a growing world-system.
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Lemos 2000
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the word was more important for expression than images
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Lemos 1998
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There was a Euboean Koine from 1000-825 BCE and they initiated their maritime enterprises.
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Morris 2000
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I suggest that this distinctive Greek concept of the hero took shape at the end of the eleventh century. But by 1000 this past faded across the horizon and was mythologized recreated in thought as the age of heroes.
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Whitley 2002
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While in Bronze Age, a "warrior" formed part of a range of male identities, but in Early Iron Age (after 1100) items in burials can be seen to correspond to the concept of "hero" as in the Iliad.
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Whitley 2004
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Comparing Bronze Age Lerna and Iron Age Lefkandi, he argues against the concept of social evolution in terms of the increasing progress and complexity of a society.
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Whitley 1991b
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Argues for social diversity in the Early Iron Age.
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Halstead and O'Shea 1982
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Theory of Social Storage.
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Papadopoulous 1997
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Argues against Euboean dominance in maritime trade during Iron age.
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Foxhall 1995
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Though the framework (i.e. the way the various components of the agricultural system are integrated) changed dramatically, many of those individual components remained relatively unchanged themselves.
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Morris 1995
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Argues against Whitley's theory of social diversity on mainland Greece.
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