Gordon Wood Part Three

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Chapter 13

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Expectations of better living standards breed competition and individualism rather than benevolence and selflessness. The Constitution of 1787 responds to social developments unleashed by the Revolution and attempts to mitigate the effects institutionally. No one foresees America becomming the most egalitarian, materialistic, individualistic, and evangelical Christian society in history.
Democracy means more than broader suffarage and competitive politics. It brings an explosion of entrepreneurial energy, religious passion and pecuniary desires.
The founders do not see the general equality of property-holding that makes the revolution possible being extended raically to mean that no one is better than anyone else.
The idea of patriots vs. courtiers gives way to the theory of demcrats versus aristocrats.
The revolutionaries had not anticipated that money would grow more important than the mind.
Examines the explosion of energies in the 1780's that cast doubts on the founder's retaining a natural aristocracy to rule the masses.
Money comes to challange the mind as the prime determiner of power as the "upper classes" like the generation newly gentrified by education, carefully drop all sign of ostentation.

Front 2

Chapter 14 Analysis

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"Interests" shows how public interest (singular) gives way to private interests (plural), and how the new federal government is constituted to regulate the inevitable conflicts that arise. The revolutionaries' utopian view that the people will voluntarily sacrifice for the common good is spectacularly proved hopeless. It is realized that the best chance for good government is getting the best spokesman for varied interests elected into a body too elevated to be swayed by local concerns and pressures.

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Chapter 14 Summary (beginning of pressure groups)

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The Stamp Act of 1770's spawns the first nonreligious public pressure groups, and in the 1770's, artisans put up slates of candidates and win elections on the grounds the gentry cannot adequately represent their interests. Other groups, occupational, religious and ethnic, follow suit, beginning a march towards modern American politics: consciously oriented towards pluralism, ethnicity and interest groups. Republicanism held that the common man's interestedness in business was an impediment.Enlarged state legislatives are filled with men of humbler rural origins and less education than the old colonial assemblies. Open electioneering increases dramatically, and more than half of the seats change hands annually. A spirit of locality is overtaking aggregate interests.

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Chapter 15 Analysis

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Astonishingly, the concept of labor and working changes drastically from the 1760's society in which it was to be found to be degrading and the lack of manual work was found to be the mark of an aristocrat. In the transition to democracy, however, people begin to build up the value and dignity of labor, which aristocrats traditionally hold in contempt. By the 1820's, no one dares claim publicly not to work for a living, ***This makes labor into a universal badge of honor. Productive labor is identified with republicanism, and idleness with monarchy. As a result, Americans are increasingly seen as equals, because they all work for a living.
***Create the popular political strategy of identifying with and working for the "little man."

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Chapter 16 "Democratic Officeholding"

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The American gentry are not strong enough at the outset of the Revolution to bear the burden of disinterested service in the army or Congress, as a result, periodic retirement to recoup one's fortune is connonplace. From 1776, onwards, legislators urge republican governments to pay salaries- and increase them regularly. John Adams calls for all public officials to be paid and criticizes Pennsylvania's decision, saying patronage and abuse rather than profit are evil. The alternative is a monopoly for the rich, and consequent despotism. By the 1790's, the government begins to have troubles filling the highest posts. In 1795, the cabinet loses two secretaries over money. By the early 19th century, people begin to realize that foolish economizing over salaries is harming the public interest. Office holding ceases to be a burden on the wealthy and becomes a source of wealth and authority. Findley's Anti-Federalist approach dominates the 19th century practice in which elected officials are expected to bring their constituent's particular interests (and their own) into the workings of the government. Partisanship and parties become legitimate activities.
Jefferson proposes that everyone seek his own good in his own way, and the government stay out of the mix. This would mean the end of classical republicanism and the advent of liberal democracy.
Nevertheless, competition for office is very fierce, because office holders control so much of private life. Holders see nothing wrong with using their office to get government contracts for themselves.