Processes of democratisation and decentralisation in the early 1990s in Africa have transformed the practices of power and authority on a local level. A closer look at the African political landscape reveals the existence of other forms of institutions that operate at the same level as the state and are contemporaries of its institutions, but can be “either rivals, watchdogs, parasites or servants” of state institutions (Ferguson 2014, p. 59). Lund (2006) terms these “twilight institutions”; they operate between state and society, i.e., public and private spheres, and use various strategies and tactics to legitimise their public authority (p. 686).
Using an example of vigilance and vigilantism during democratisation periods, I argue that the …show more content…
Although some aspects of their vigilance vary, they are especially linked to periods of local transition associated with elections. Electoral politics in Nigeria are rife with corruption. Youth associations' vigilantism consists of screening politicians before supporting them to stand for elected office. They also restrict the culture of impunity, check accountability and strive for political improvement through political hustling, claim making and petition writing (Pratten 2006, p.43, …show more content…
Thus, all parties have an interest in supporting the M’banga as a legitimate form of authority at different points in time. The M’banga are dependent on both the public authority sanctioning their activities and the wishes and needs of their patrons. For the sultan, the M’banga provide a way of establishing his authority and legitimacy by showing his ability to secure peace and order in Zinder. Known as the “army of the sultan”, the M’banga prove the incapability of modern state institutions. Their loyalty is also contingent on the largest contributor, so that their role varies from community policing to becoming a private army of politicians. This flexibility allows them to change their nature to survive, but it can also lead to direct confrontation with the state, which result to divisiveness and eventually their
Using an example of vigilance and vigilantism during democratisation periods, I argue that the …show more content…
Although some aspects of their vigilance vary, they are especially linked to periods of local transition associated with elections. Electoral politics in Nigeria are rife with corruption. Youth associations' vigilantism consists of screening politicians before supporting them to stand for elected office. They also restrict the culture of impunity, check accountability and strive for political improvement through political hustling, claim making and petition writing (Pratten 2006, p.43, …show more content…
Thus, all parties have an interest in supporting the M’banga as a legitimate form of authority at different points in time. The M’banga are dependent on both the public authority sanctioning their activities and the wishes and needs of their patrons. For the sultan, the M’banga provide a way of establishing his authority and legitimacy by showing his ability to secure peace and order in Zinder. Known as the “army of the sultan”, the M’banga prove the incapability of modern state institutions. Their loyalty is also contingent on the largest contributor, so that their role varies from community policing to becoming a private army of politicians. This flexibility allows them to change their nature to survive, but it can also lead to direct confrontation with the state, which result to divisiveness and eventually their