Consequently, the experiences of those who are more marginalized within the marginalized group are largely unnoticed, understudied, and detrimental to the mental health of those within this extra layer of oppression. Transgender women of color not only have to experience the discriminatory effects of their sexual minority identity but they also have their racial minority identity, both of which may be visible and which may indicate their existence in public spaces. Balsam, Molina, Beadnell, Simoni, and Walters (2011) created a scale to measure the multiple stressors experienced by LGBT people of color through the form of microaggressions. Balsam, Molina, Beadnell, Simoni, and Walters defined microaggressions as “…generally characterized as brief, daily assaults on minority individuals, which can be social or environmental, verbal or nonverbal, as well as intentional or unintentional” (p. 163). Furthermore, there are three types of microaggressions, microassaults, microinsults, and microinvalidation, which are very impactful on the mental health of LGBT individuals, racial minority individuals, and others who identify with a combination of both identities. Overt acts of discrimination are considered to be microassaults and are intentional by the perpetrator. On the other hand, microinsults and microinvalidations are seen as possibly unintentional by the perpetuator but the harmful effects for the victim are still present. Microinsults discredit the individual based on societal stereotypes about the social group to which the individual belongs to. Situations that result in exclusion or erasure of the experience by the marginalized person is considered to be microinvalidation, which also has the potential to be unintentional. In Balsam, Molina, Beadnell, Simoni, and Walter’s (2011) research, there were three studies that took place to form the microaggressions scale for LGBT people of color. The first study focused on the formation of the items on the scale, which came from interviews from LGBT people of color of various racial and ethnic backgrounds and gender identities. The second study sought to validate the scale that was created from the initial study through the internet. In this study, there was a greater pool of participants who were LGBT people of color. After receiving the responses from the web-based survey, the researchers refined the scale and tested the refined scale in the third study. I applaud this study for shedding light on the simultaneous experiences of racism in LGBT spaces and heterosexism in racial and ethnic minority group spaces and how profoundly impactful those experiences are on this group’s mental health. On the other hand, in the three studies done in Balsam, Molina, Beadnell, Simoni, and Walter’s (2011) research, transgender women of color made up only two to three percent of the participants. Additionally, it could be argued that LGBT people of color were lumped together in the creation of this microaggression scale, assuming that all persons who deviate from heterosexuality experience the same types and levels of discrimination. While lesbian, bisexual, and gay people of color’s sexuality isn’t physically visible, transgender women of color do not have the same privilege of having an invisible socially ridiculed identity. This has, often times, dire implications for their very existence and should be emphasized in any discussion involving their mental health. With the controversial topic of transgender people using public restrooms, Townes (2017) discusses the lack of presence of transgender women of color in the conversations about
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Testa et al. (2012) studied transgender women and men in Virginia who experienced physical and sexual violence. The participants in this study varied based on race, ethnicity, age, education level, and socioeconomic status despite being from one state in the U.S. The findings of this study indicate that, in most cases, physical and sexual violence that was experienced in the past was caused by gender identity or expression of the transgender individual (Testa et al., 2012). Also, the violent acts were irregularly reported to police. Based on these findings, one can see why the existence of transgender persons in public spaces can be life-threatening and with no help from a social institution that was created to protect and serve. This article suggested that future studies should add the phenomenon of intersecting identities as a dynamic in violence that is experienced by transgender people, which would help in giving a voice to transgender women of
Testa et al. (2012) studied transgender women and men in Virginia who experienced physical and sexual violence. The participants in this study varied based on race, ethnicity, age, education level, and socioeconomic status despite being from one state in the U.S. The findings of this study indicate that, in most cases, physical and sexual violence that was experienced in the past was caused by gender identity or expression of the transgender individual (Testa et al., 2012). Also, the violent acts were irregularly reported to police. Based on these findings, one can see why the existence of transgender persons in public spaces can be life-threatening and with no help from a social institution that was created to protect and serve. This article suggested that future studies should add the phenomenon of intersecting identities as a dynamic in violence that is experienced by transgender people, which would help in giving a voice to transgender women of