Liberals believe that war and aggression can be lessened and eliminated through collective action. According to Walt, liberalism views the states as central players in international affairs (32). Liberalists believe that the expansion of human freedom is achieved best within democracies and well-cooperated market capitalism. Doyle finds that liberalism leaves a coherent legacy on foreign affairs and argues that the differences among the three theories of liberalism (liberal pacifism, liberal imperialism, and Kant’s internationalism) are not irrational (1152). Doyle examines Schumpeter’s explanation for liberal pacifism, which states that the foundation of pacifism comes from the interaction of capitalism and democracy. Schumpeter makes an argument concerning the effects of liberal institutions and principles; and defines imperialism as the object-less disposition within a state to expand forces with no assigned limits (Doyle, 1152). Therefore, the only ones who gain anything from wars are the profiteers and military aristocrats. Doyle disagrees with Schumpeter, and argues that Schumpeter’s explanations are assumptions of materialistic monism, presumptions of ruling, and the view of world politics as homogenized (Doyle, 1154). Doyle analyzes Machiavelli’s view on liberal imperialism, which states that republics represent the best form of state for imperial expansion. Machiavelli’s republic is not a democracy; rather it is characterized by social equality, popular liberty, and political participation. Machiavelli’s citizens seek to rule, and also fear domination from others. The third regularity of modern world politics Doyle considers is liberal internationalism. Kant’s citizens of liberal internationalism are also diverse in their rational and individual goals, but they are more capable of appreciating equality of all individuals. Kant’s
Liberals believe that war and aggression can be lessened and eliminated through collective action. According to Walt, liberalism views the states as central players in international affairs (32). Liberalists believe that the expansion of human freedom is achieved best within democracies and well-cooperated market capitalism. Doyle finds that liberalism leaves a coherent legacy on foreign affairs and argues that the differences among the three theories of liberalism (liberal pacifism, liberal imperialism, and Kant’s internationalism) are not irrational (1152). Doyle examines Schumpeter’s explanation for liberal pacifism, which states that the foundation of pacifism comes from the interaction of capitalism and democracy. Schumpeter makes an argument concerning the effects of liberal institutions and principles; and defines imperialism as the object-less disposition within a state to expand forces with no assigned limits (Doyle, 1152). Therefore, the only ones who gain anything from wars are the profiteers and military aristocrats. Doyle disagrees with Schumpeter, and argues that Schumpeter’s explanations are assumptions of materialistic monism, presumptions of ruling, and the view of world politics as homogenized (Doyle, 1154). Doyle analyzes Machiavelli’s view on liberal imperialism, which states that republics represent the best form of state for imperial expansion. Machiavelli’s republic is not a democracy; rather it is characterized by social equality, popular liberty, and political participation. Machiavelli’s citizens seek to rule, and also fear domination from others. The third regularity of modern world politics Doyle considers is liberal internationalism. Kant’s citizens of liberal internationalism are also diverse in their rational and individual goals, but they are more capable of appreciating equality of all individuals. Kant’s