Politics have been a part of life here on Earth ever since God created the world and everything in it. In the United States of America, our political history has been defined by many different structures with different aspects or components attached. In the article "Suffrage Classes and Party Alignments: A Study in Voter Behavior," Richard P. McCormick states his own idea of the structure of politics during the 1800’s, saying, “The traditional ingredients of American political history have been personalities, classes, sections, parties, and issues.” (McCormick 397) In his thesis, he also states that “The voter has received very little attention”, except when they were referred to as part of a class or section. McCormick accurately
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He writes in his article that “Even in states where unrestricted manhood suffrage existed, voter participation did not ordinarily exceed the 80 per cent level.” (McCormick 400) This observation refers to the fact that the number of citizens voting had gone down significantly due to the suffrage system. McCormick also proves that the lower class voters were treated unfairly by the system, saying, “In 1840, for example, 57,460 votes were cast for governor and 31,241 for senator… Thus 45.6 per cent of the voters lacked the fifty acre freehold required of senatorial electors.” (McCormick 400) He also suggests that many people didn’t cast their votes in New York in 1816. McCormick claims that “The figures imply that only 48 per cent of the ‘eligible non-freehold electors cast their ballots.” (McCormick 406-407) Lastly, he mentions that only a certain percent of men were eligible to vote and only a small portion of voters were $100 freeholders in New York. He states that “The data in this table indicate that prior to 1822 roughly two-thirds of the adult white male population could vote… The $100 freeholders averaged about 38 per cent of the adult white male population.” (McCormick 405) With these calculated numbers being used in …show more content…
He makes a point about sections and how they excluded certain men from voting before 1821. He states in his argument that “In New York prior to 1821 approximately one-third of the adult white males were totally excluded from voting and another third was not qualified to vote for governor.” (McCormick 408) Earlier, in the beginning of his article, he mentions a fact about the Whig and Democratic parties, saying, “During those years the Whig and Democratic parties contested on a nearly even basis in North Carolina, with the Whigs dominant by a slight margin down to 1848.” (McCormick 399) He furthers that thought by claiming, “Then, by examining the distribution of each class of the electorate between the two major parties it can be determined whether economic status influenced party affiliation.” (McCormick 399) Finally, he briefly mentions the distinction between the economic classes. He proclaims, “How wide an economic margin separated the two politico-economic classes is a matter for conjecture -or further research - but it would seem reasonable to assume that there was an appreciable distinction in status.” (McCormick 401) This distinction between economic classes does not line up with American exceptionalism in the fact that the lower classes were not eligible to vote for higher positions of power.
He writes in his article that “Even in states where unrestricted manhood suffrage existed, voter participation did not ordinarily exceed the 80 per cent level.” (McCormick 400) This observation refers to the fact that the number of citizens voting had gone down significantly due to the suffrage system. McCormick also proves that the lower class voters were treated unfairly by the system, saying, “In 1840, for example, 57,460 votes were cast for governor and 31,241 for senator… Thus 45.6 per cent of the voters lacked the fifty acre freehold required of senatorial electors.” (McCormick 400) He also suggests that many people didn’t cast their votes in New York in 1816. McCormick claims that “The figures imply that only 48 per cent of the ‘eligible non-freehold electors cast their ballots.” (McCormick 406-407) Lastly, he mentions that only a certain percent of men were eligible to vote and only a small portion of voters were $100 freeholders in New York. He states that “The data in this table indicate that prior to 1822 roughly two-thirds of the adult white male population could vote… The $100 freeholders averaged about 38 per cent of the adult white male population.” (McCormick 405) With these calculated numbers being used in …show more content…
He makes a point about sections and how they excluded certain men from voting before 1821. He states in his argument that “In New York prior to 1821 approximately one-third of the adult white males were totally excluded from voting and another third was not qualified to vote for governor.” (McCormick 408) Earlier, in the beginning of his article, he mentions a fact about the Whig and Democratic parties, saying, “During those years the Whig and Democratic parties contested on a nearly even basis in North Carolina, with the Whigs dominant by a slight margin down to 1848.” (McCormick 399) He furthers that thought by claiming, “Then, by examining the distribution of each class of the electorate between the two major parties it can be determined whether economic status influenced party affiliation.” (McCormick 399) Finally, he briefly mentions the distinction between the economic classes. He proclaims, “How wide an economic margin separated the two politico-economic classes is a matter for conjecture -or further research - but it would seem reasonable to assume that there was an appreciable distinction in status.” (McCormick 401) This distinction between economic classes does not line up with American exceptionalism in the fact that the lower classes were not eligible to vote for higher positions of power.