The structural reforms initiated by CCTs are less obvious than the electoral appeal. Bolsa Familia may contribute to a culture of dependence upon CCT programs – reflecting a shift in politics away from the social sector towards a much greater reliance on social safety nets (Hall, 2012: 31). Structural dependence on cash transfers could be linked to the ‘much faster electoral returns are more obvious than visible structural reforms’, such as those in health and education (Hall, 2012: 37). Furthermore, welfare dependence could deplete the political appeal of the program over time. Path dependence is a policy contradiction (Fine: 2012). Structural dependence on welfare could have a number of impacts on the politics of social policy, as there is
…show more content…
While Bolsa Familia remains a distinctly ‘decentralised’ development policy, in the ‘developmentalist’ tradition, the program remains influenced by the economically liberal policy goals. Ban describes new social policy in Brazil a hybridization which combines to the 'economically liberal policy goals … associated with the [Washington] consensus’ with ‘policy goals ... that can be traced to the developmentalist tradition ' (Ban, 2013: 299). Under Bolsa Familia, liberal technocrats were less able to dominate the social policy agenda (Haggard and Kaufman, 2008). However, the finance sector did monopolise power over the allocation of resources, particularly in policy emphasis on efficiency and measuring outcomes. The greater emphasis on financing and targeting reduced the role for Brazil’s domestic ministries as centres of patronage. ‘Among the IFI’s, the talk has shifted from structural adjustment and conditionality to country ownership and country generated poverty reduction strategies’, resulting in the hybridisation of development strategies (Rodrik, 2004: 4; Ban, 2013). The idea is that having ‘a broad based domestic discussion on development strategies, involving a wide cross section of civil society, facilitates both the selection of appropriate policies and their acceptance of the same’ (Rodrik, 2004: …show more content…
With such low levels of investment, ‘the [World] Bank might be thought to have purchased a corresponding influence over policy at an extremely low price’ (Fine, 2012: 109). While financialization in the current crisis has undermined the legitimacy of neo-liberalism, shifts in social policy will require a combination of greater resources and commitment to program specific responses’(Fine, 2008: 109). The emphasis on ‘effective’ pathways to ‘human capital accumulation’ and the pressure on governments to produce falls in ‘absolute’ poverty and inequality illustrates how ‘the extension of competitive forces is married with aggressive forms of state downsizing, austerity financing and public service reform’ (Peck and Tickell, 2002: 381). However, this may be consistent with the political drivers of social policy in
While Bolsa Familia remains a distinctly ‘decentralised’ development policy, in the ‘developmentalist’ tradition, the program remains influenced by the economically liberal policy goals. Ban describes new social policy in Brazil a hybridization which combines to the 'economically liberal policy goals … associated with the [Washington] consensus’ with ‘policy goals ... that can be traced to the developmentalist tradition ' (Ban, 2013: 299). Under Bolsa Familia, liberal technocrats were less able to dominate the social policy agenda (Haggard and Kaufman, 2008). However, the finance sector did monopolise power over the allocation of resources, particularly in policy emphasis on efficiency and measuring outcomes. The greater emphasis on financing and targeting reduced the role for Brazil’s domestic ministries as centres of patronage. ‘Among the IFI’s, the talk has shifted from structural adjustment and conditionality to country ownership and country generated poverty reduction strategies’, resulting in the hybridisation of development strategies (Rodrik, 2004: 4; Ban, 2013). The idea is that having ‘a broad based domestic discussion on development strategies, involving a wide cross section of civil society, facilitates both the selection of appropriate policies and their acceptance of the same’ (Rodrik, 2004: …show more content…
With such low levels of investment, ‘the [World] Bank might be thought to have purchased a corresponding influence over policy at an extremely low price’ (Fine, 2012: 109). While financialization in the current crisis has undermined the legitimacy of neo-liberalism, shifts in social policy will require a combination of greater resources and commitment to program specific responses’(Fine, 2008: 109). The emphasis on ‘effective’ pathways to ‘human capital accumulation’ and the pressure on governments to produce falls in ‘absolute’ poverty and inequality illustrates how ‘the extension of competitive forces is married with aggressive forms of state downsizing, austerity financing and public service reform’ (Peck and Tickell, 2002: 381). However, this may be consistent with the political drivers of social policy in