They’ve discovered that “income inequality has risen in the U.S. as shown in their data” (Atkinson, Piketty, and Sasz, 2011). Duca and saving also found suggestive evidence that, once the level of inequality goes up, the more complicated statistical relationship between inequality and polarization emerges. The study used two measurements of income inequality, which are the shares of the top 1 percent of families and the inverted Pareto-Lorenz coefficient to get a measurement of income inequality. As they pointed out the changes in public policy have also contributed in increased income inequality. The shift to a smaller safety net and less progressive income tax may have been factors, as well as limits on public support by the federal and state governments for higher education when a large amount of the younger population is attending college. A reduced sense of common interest increase political polarization, therefore, it feeds back onto the whole income inequality meaningless voter and legislative support for income redistribution and subsidies for things like higher education. More so, greater income inequality is more tightly concentrates economics interest among smaller and more cohesive groups. Furthermore, this enhances the power and influence of business and community group, which tend to support either a Republicans or Democrats, therefore, increasing the level of political polarization. These roles account for affecting voter preferences is consistent with Poole and Rosenthal (1997) finding that shows a shift in political polarization are less statistically linked to an individual legislator changing their voting behavior and are more statistically linked to replacing members of Congress. Income inequality and political polarization are the data they used which was not exogenous variables which can be stationary, a factor
They’ve discovered that “income inequality has risen in the U.S. as shown in their data” (Atkinson, Piketty, and Sasz, 2011). Duca and saving also found suggestive evidence that, once the level of inequality goes up, the more complicated statistical relationship between inequality and polarization emerges. The study used two measurements of income inequality, which are the shares of the top 1 percent of families and the inverted Pareto-Lorenz coefficient to get a measurement of income inequality. As they pointed out the changes in public policy have also contributed in increased income inequality. The shift to a smaller safety net and less progressive income tax may have been factors, as well as limits on public support by the federal and state governments for higher education when a large amount of the younger population is attending college. A reduced sense of common interest increase political polarization, therefore, it feeds back onto the whole income inequality meaningless voter and legislative support for income redistribution and subsidies for things like higher education. More so, greater income inequality is more tightly concentrates economics interest among smaller and more cohesive groups. Furthermore, this enhances the power and influence of business and community group, which tend to support either a Republicans or Democrats, therefore, increasing the level of political polarization. These roles account for affecting voter preferences is consistent with Poole and Rosenthal (1997) finding that shows a shift in political polarization are less statistically linked to an individual legislator changing their voting behavior and are more statistically linked to replacing members of Congress. Income inequality and political polarization are the data they used which was not exogenous variables which can be stationary, a factor