strial workforce began to become transparent, leading to a push for reforms to fix injustices and restore the economy. The progressives of the early twentieth century took many of the earlier reformer's ideologies, and they transformed these political ideologies into actions. The programs that emerged from the philosophies of the late nineteenth century reformers were the social reform for maltreated populations, the political opposition to big businesses, and the policies implemented for the economic security of the working class. The advocacy for the rights of oppressed groups increased drastically from the late nineteenth century to the early twentieth century. One of the earliest goals of the supporters of the Progress Movement was
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This original opposition began in the 1880s among the working class, who were scared by the “alarming development and aggressiveness of great capitalists and corporations.” (DOC B) Many early reformers such as Theodore Roosevelt publicly revealed their oppositions to monopolization, and he portrayed money makers in corporations as “very bad men” with “misty ideas as to morality” who “possessed an ignorance so profound...[that they had] serious effects upon [Americans'] laws.” (DOC A) Some reformers went as far to refer to big businesses as “gluttons of luxury and power, rough, unsocialized, believing that mankind must be kept terrorized.” (DOC D) Middle and lower class people thought that these wealthy corporations were divulging too far into politics, “[claiming] a power without control, exercised through forms which make it secret, anonymous, and perpetual.” (DOC D) This sentiment was carried into the twentieth century, and the resentment was a common theme in popular media such as anti-trust cartoons (DOC F). The opposition to trusts was no longer just a philosophy, but it began to effect laws and politics as well. For example, the things that progressive politicians concentrated most on were trust busting, investigating corruption of corporations, and breaking down the power of political machines and urban …show more content…
(DOC E) The government protected the wealth of the workers by “[protecting] the wages” “and the immediate downward revision of existing high, and in many cases prohibitive, tariff duties.” (DOC
This original opposition began in the 1880s among the working class, who were scared by the “alarming development and aggressiveness of great capitalists and corporations.” (DOC B) Many early reformers such as Theodore Roosevelt publicly revealed their oppositions to monopolization, and he portrayed money makers in corporations as “very bad men” with “misty ideas as to morality” who “possessed an ignorance so profound...[that they had] serious effects upon [Americans'] laws.” (DOC A) Some reformers went as far to refer to big businesses as “gluttons of luxury and power, rough, unsocialized, believing that mankind must be kept terrorized.” (DOC D) Middle and lower class people thought that these wealthy corporations were divulging too far into politics, “[claiming] a power without control, exercised through forms which make it secret, anonymous, and perpetual.” (DOC D) This sentiment was carried into the twentieth century, and the resentment was a common theme in popular media such as anti-trust cartoons (DOC F). The opposition to trusts was no longer just a philosophy, but it began to effect laws and politics as well. For example, the things that progressive politicians concentrated most on were trust busting, investigating corruption of corporations, and breaking down the power of political machines and urban …show more content…
(DOC E) The government protected the wealth of the workers by “[protecting] the wages” “and the immediate downward revision of existing high, and in many cases prohibitive, tariff duties.” (DOC