In her essay, “The Naked Truth about Fitness”, Barbara Ehrenreich explains the consequences of healthism in America, and connects the idea of morality and self-image with the views behind fitness. Ehrenreich argues that although pursuing health stands as a viable activity, Americans often end up entangling health with morals, thus creating healthism. This dangerous ideal creates numerous problems for a culture involved with fitness. Healthism fosters prejudice and misconstrues morality. The rise of healthism negatively affects the self-image of Americans. Many individuals spend hours refining their bodies through designed workouts with the overall goal of having a socially acceptable body. Ehrenreich responds to this stating, “[. . .] Most
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Healthism focuses on fabricating decisions that help Americans “feel good”. For example, Ehrenreich provides the example of a cereal brand: “Consider my own breakfast cereal [. . .] the box made no promise of good taste or visual charm. Even the supposed health benefits are modestly outlined in tiny print. No, the incentive here is of a higher nature. ‘It’s the right thing to do,’ the manufacturer intones on the back of the box, knowing that [. . .] we all want to do the right thing” (Ehrenreich, 2014, p.348). In this case, the “virtuous” decision lies in eating healthy instead of eating “good.” Regardless, Americans want to make a socially and morally acceptable choice, even if it involves eating bland cereal to sustain one’s virtues. Later on in the essay, Ehrenreich claims, “If healthy habits are an expression of moral excellence, and the working class is not only ‘tacky,’ ill-mannered, or whatever else we’ve been encouraged to believe- it’s morally deficient.” (Ehrenreich, 2014, p.350). Healthy habits do not reflect the morality of an individual. However, healthism has managed to brainwash many into thinking that decent morals lie within it. When healthism replaces the morals of an individual, then social prejudice
Healthism focuses on fabricating decisions that help Americans “feel good”. For example, Ehrenreich provides the example of a cereal brand: “Consider my own breakfast cereal [. . .] the box made no promise of good taste or visual charm. Even the supposed health benefits are modestly outlined in tiny print. No, the incentive here is of a higher nature. ‘It’s the right thing to do,’ the manufacturer intones on the back of the box, knowing that [. . .] we all want to do the right thing” (Ehrenreich, 2014, p.348). In this case, the “virtuous” decision lies in eating healthy instead of eating “good.” Regardless, Americans want to make a socially and morally acceptable choice, even if it involves eating bland cereal to sustain one’s virtues. Later on in the essay, Ehrenreich claims, “If healthy habits are an expression of moral excellence, and the working class is not only ‘tacky,’ ill-mannered, or whatever else we’ve been encouraged to believe- it’s morally deficient.” (Ehrenreich, 2014, p.350). Healthy habits do not reflect the morality of an individual. However, healthism has managed to brainwash many into thinking that decent morals lie within it. When healthism replaces the morals of an individual, then social prejudice