In contrast to the Irish, additive factors were less pronounced when Italians began immigrating to France in the early 20th century. Originally, nomadic Italian street musicians were scattered throughout France, who were perceived to be a nuisance but were rarely met with aggressive xenophobic aggression. Eventually, “the presence of large groups of unskilled [Italian] workers” began to flood into France which spurred divisions between the migrants and their receiving country. The French began to feel uneasy with this enhanced immigration, believing labor “strikes” and decreases in wages to be a result of the lack of Italian participation and acceptance of lower pay respectively.(pg. 80) Despite these obvious economic grievances, many of the additive divisions that carried xenophobia in England were less pronounced in France. Both the Italians and the French were predominantly Catholic countries, so the fear of an influx of migrants devoted to a “dangerous” religion was less prevalent. Furthermore, Italian nationalism in France was less pronounced, largely a result of their rural and regional identities, with the few Italian organizations possessing “low membership rates” throughout France (pg. 89). Since economic fears were the primary mover of French xenophobia towards the Italians, when the immigrants no longer posed an economic threat the negative stereotypes against the Italians began to wane. During WW1, Italian integration was punctuated by the acceptance of a massive influx of Italian labor to offset French population losses during the fight, and institutional support of Italian labor furthered the dissipation of Italian stereotyping (pg.
In contrast to the Irish, additive factors were less pronounced when Italians began immigrating to France in the early 20th century. Originally, nomadic Italian street musicians were scattered throughout France, who were perceived to be a nuisance but were rarely met with aggressive xenophobic aggression. Eventually, “the presence of large groups of unskilled [Italian] workers” began to flood into France which spurred divisions between the migrants and their receiving country. The French began to feel uneasy with this enhanced immigration, believing labor “strikes” and decreases in wages to be a result of the lack of Italian participation and acceptance of lower pay respectively.(pg. 80) Despite these obvious economic grievances, many of the additive divisions that carried xenophobia in England were less pronounced in France. Both the Italians and the French were predominantly Catholic countries, so the fear of an influx of migrants devoted to a “dangerous” religion was less prevalent. Furthermore, Italian nationalism in France was less pronounced, largely a result of their rural and regional identities, with the few Italian organizations possessing “low membership rates” throughout France (pg. 89). Since economic fears were the primary mover of French xenophobia towards the Italians, when the immigrants no longer posed an economic threat the negative stereotypes against the Italians began to wane. During WW1, Italian integration was punctuated by the acceptance of a massive influx of Italian labor to offset French population losses during the fight, and institutional support of Italian labor furthered the dissipation of Italian stereotyping (pg.