Seafood is a primary form of sustenance globally, accounting for nearly a quarter of available animals proteins (Gutierrez, Hilbor, & Defeo, 2011, p. 386). Unfortunately, widespread dependence on this resource has prompted an estimated 86.9% of fisheries to reach varying levels of overexploitation (Acheson & Gardner, 2014, p. 1). Stock deficits are widely attributed to harvesting practices that are rooted in traditional perspectives for managing ecosystems (Bundy, Chuenpagdee, Jentoft, & Mahon, 2008, p. 152). Until recently, humans were considered the primary controllers and benefactors of resources, however, current nutritional, economic, and environmental challenges demonstrate otherwise. Researchers argue to insure …show more content…
169). Historically, the over abundance of this species allowed it to be easily harvested on beaches, therefore, coastal people quickly found the resource distasteful (Woodworth, 2004, p. 182). In many areas lobsters were considered so undesirable that they were often fed to prisoners and indentured servants so that “commercially valued” products could be conserved (Woodworth, 2004, p.170). The urbanization of New England in the 1800’s dramatically influenced the product’s value, prompting lobster stocks in New York and New London waters to be quickly exhausted (Woodworth, 2004, p. 175). Although now a major industry, Lobstering was not adopted as a source of income in Maine until tourists from New York, Philadelphia, and Boston began to visit the coast in the 1880’s (Woodworth, 2004, p. 185). Initially, these visitors, otherwise known as the “rusticators”, sought sanctuary on Maine’s rocky coast, quickly transformed working waterfront into impressive hotels and summer “cottages” (Woodworth, 2004, p. 181). Upon finding a virgin resource supply tourists were excited to indulge in their favorite crustacean, however, developments in refrigeration techniques allowed the product to be easily shipped, facilitating further industrial expansion …show more content…
Historically, commercial fishing areas have maintained clear boundary lines established by local “harbor gangs”, typically covering areas less than 100 square miles (Acheson, 2006, p.241). These lines commonly reflected natural reference points including, but not limited to, peninsulas, islands, coves, ledges, and prominent trees (Acheson, 1988, p.1252). . The effectiveness of this strategy relies heavily on the interconnected nature of “harbor gangs”, which are primarily composed of kinship group or individuals with multigenerational ties to the community (Acheson,1988, p.883). Although it has been found that interactions between members within a single harbor vary, subgroups provided the necessary structure for fishermen to collaboratively protect territories (Acheson, 1988 ,p.904). Traditionally, when individuals from competing harbors crossed territory lines they were confronted with the damage or loss of gear, often equating to thousands of dollars of additional expenses (Acheson & Gardner, 2014, p.24). Subgroups within “harbor gangs” have also been found to provide additional support when completing maintenance and repair related tasks (Acheson, 1988 ,p.904). Researchers have also found it is not uncommon