Howe shows us how the evangelical movement not only shaped America, he shows us how it shaped the Victorian middle class in Britain. We often look back and argue that the Founding Fathers were guided by their …show more content…
Their goal was simple just as it was in some European countries and that was to establish a Christian society. This goal was met with resistance by those that wanted to hold on to their freedom to live as they pleased. With the Great Awakening came new challenges that split America, the Second Great Awakening was even more divisive. Howe tells us how the people objected to the imposition of political control by the Whig American System. How some objected to the imposition of the religious and moral discipline, the statement that the evangelical movement was the American religious "establishment." He lets us know that there was those that disagreed with the movement (American "dissenters") making religious conflict a central issue in political life in the United …show more content…
How the Evangelical movement led us through a political revival. The revival established what contemporaries called "a benevolent empire' an interlocking network of voluntary associations, large and small, local, national, and international- to implement its varied purposes. He also describes the opponents of the revival the Confessionalists (Roman Catholics, Old School Presbyterians, Missouri Synod Lutherans, Dutch True Calvinists, Antimission Baptists, Latter-day Saints, and Orthodox Jews). Howe then points out that it is not possible to define the opponents of the revival entirely in denominational terms, since its support was not defined in denominational terms either. There were the so-called “freethinkers” in the United States that were counted as confessionalist. The unchurched also made up the confessionalists who had one thing in common, a determination to preserve their independence in defiance of the evangelical juggernaut. How almost does a comparison that is seen today (Democratic and Republican) when he writes about the Democratic Party finding less reason to discuss religion than the Whig Party. He points out that even then that was not entirely true, just as it is not