Discussion: The role of culture in human relationships with considerations of the implications for attachment theory.
Bowbly (1959) explains the child’s emotional regulation and attachment to the primary caretaker, as a result of the caretaker’s continues responsiveness and a strategy of the child to keep the primary caretaker close to ensure survival during evolutionary times. It adapts to fit into the appropriate evolutionary niche. This internal working model creates the four main types of attachment: the insecure-avoidant (A) attachment, most prominently the secure (B) attachment, and insecure-ambivalent (C) attachment or in rare cases a disorganizes (D) attachment, which are measured with the Strange Situation Protocol, which assesses …show more content…
Because of other focused expression of emotions of the interdependent self, observing ego-focused emotions such as anger can be a rare event in the collectivist societies. Children will not be used to constant emotional outbreaks from the mother and react differently to them when they appear. A study by Miyake et al. (1989) compared Japanese and US-American children’s latency in locomotion towards a toy after their mother’s vocal expression of joy, fear and anger. The reaction time did not differ in conditions for joy and fear. However, reaction time differed in the anger condition with on average .48 seconds before resuming locomotion in the Japanese group and .18 seconds in the American groups. Furthermore, a stop in locomotion was also observed in Hausa children in Africa, when the mother left their side (Marvin et al. 1977). However, this was because children are not allowed to explore their surroundings, because of their dangers, such as wild animals. They still use their primary caretaker as safe base. Additionally, the mother responsiveness can vary across cultures. Comparing Japanese and German responsiveness to their children Kärtner, Keller and Yovsi (2010) found that mothers from both groups gave far more visual responses then mothers from rural Asian farming area. Correspondingly, Mesman et at. (2015) found that the …show more content…
Children were not directly raised by their parents, however they knew who they were and spend time with them towards the end of the day. Still, parents were often not allowed to bring their children to bed. Children sleep together, away from their parental home. Gavron (2000) retrospectively described his experience of growing up in a Kibbutz as distressing and frightening. Correspondingly, comparing mother-infant dyads in Kibbutzim very low rates of secure attachment, but D or C was overrepresented in communal sleeping arrangements, what support the sensitivity hypothesis. Furthermore, children in Kibbutzim were in general very insecure. Regarding the competence hypothesis, the relationship between infant a nonparental caregiver of children in Kibbutzim was a strong predictor of the child’s independence and empathetic behaviour in kindergarten, probably because relationships had been formed in context of the child’s house and not just the family network only. Still, contextual factor can be a strong indicator for the child’s later development. In fact, insecure-ambivalent attachment was found in all of Israel, including the Muslim minority, compared with the global average, what is probably due to the daily stresses that occupy the parents because of continental threads of national and
Bowbly (1959) explains the child’s emotional regulation and attachment to the primary caretaker, as a result of the caretaker’s continues responsiveness and a strategy of the child to keep the primary caretaker close to ensure survival during evolutionary times. It adapts to fit into the appropriate evolutionary niche. This internal working model creates the four main types of attachment: the insecure-avoidant (A) attachment, most prominently the secure (B) attachment, and insecure-ambivalent (C) attachment or in rare cases a disorganizes (D) attachment, which are measured with the Strange Situation Protocol, which assesses …show more content…
Because of other focused expression of emotions of the interdependent self, observing ego-focused emotions such as anger can be a rare event in the collectivist societies. Children will not be used to constant emotional outbreaks from the mother and react differently to them when they appear. A study by Miyake et al. (1989) compared Japanese and US-American children’s latency in locomotion towards a toy after their mother’s vocal expression of joy, fear and anger. The reaction time did not differ in conditions for joy and fear. However, reaction time differed in the anger condition with on average .48 seconds before resuming locomotion in the Japanese group and .18 seconds in the American groups. Furthermore, a stop in locomotion was also observed in Hausa children in Africa, when the mother left their side (Marvin et al. 1977). However, this was because children are not allowed to explore their surroundings, because of their dangers, such as wild animals. They still use their primary caretaker as safe base. Additionally, the mother responsiveness can vary across cultures. Comparing Japanese and German responsiveness to their children Kärtner, Keller and Yovsi (2010) found that mothers from both groups gave far more visual responses then mothers from rural Asian farming area. Correspondingly, Mesman et at. (2015) found that the …show more content…
Children were not directly raised by their parents, however they knew who they were and spend time with them towards the end of the day. Still, parents were often not allowed to bring their children to bed. Children sleep together, away from their parental home. Gavron (2000) retrospectively described his experience of growing up in a Kibbutz as distressing and frightening. Correspondingly, comparing mother-infant dyads in Kibbutzim very low rates of secure attachment, but D or C was overrepresented in communal sleeping arrangements, what support the sensitivity hypothesis. Furthermore, children in Kibbutzim were in general very insecure. Regarding the competence hypothesis, the relationship between infant a nonparental caregiver of children in Kibbutzim was a strong predictor of the child’s independence and empathetic behaviour in kindergarten, probably because relationships had been formed in context of the child’s house and not just the family network only. Still, contextual factor can be a strong indicator for the child’s later development. In fact, insecure-ambivalent attachment was found in all of Israel, including the Muslim minority, compared with the global average, what is probably due to the daily stresses that occupy the parents because of continental threads of national and