Concerning church life, Mrs. D. X., born 1932, mentions that she was born in a religious family, and, therefore, had to go to church/mass always on Sunday.
Mrs. H. U., born 1927, mentions that they had a barack as church room; because she had got the key, she had to open and to prepare the room for services or masses
Mrs. T.S., born 1936, mentions that protestant services were held in the catholic church, later in a school. She remembered not only the Protestant pastor, but also a couple of refugees, who facilitated community life as a parish by their practical work and help; thus, youth camps and bible study were prepared . She also remembered that her grandma, confronted with the catholic environment in the new home, felt like still living …show more content…
The dining rooom in the refugee camp was used as church room, where the confirmation event took place. The services were hold by a teacher and deacon, Until they got their own refugee pastor, and could build an own church building, they had to attend services in the Catholic church, which was very astonishing for the catholic inhabitants of the small village. Mr. S.A., born 1921, in Czechoslovakia emphasizes on the conviction that church for the expellees was a kind of homeland, because singing, prayer and encounter connected them with their lost homeland. Mr. H.D. Born 1935, remembers protestant services twice a month in a school. He remembers that the refugees were supported by the catholic parish, but also by Protestant groups, such as YMCA, women associations or brass …show more content…
parents and peers) in his or her environment. Therfore, such person is learning his/her coping strategy by observing the behaviour of others (Bandura, 1986). As applied to religious coping, when the observed behaviours are religious in nature, the observer forms religious cognitions and symbols that represent his or her developing repertoire of religious thoughts, beliefs, feelings, and judgements about the observed religious behaviour, the situation, and the environment, in which it occurred. These are cognitively stored as an option for religious coping at a later time. Also vicariously encoded as symbols and cognitions (Vicarious learning (Bandura, 1986)) related to religious coping are the observed risks and benefits of the behaviour: the age, sex, race, and background of the model, similarities to the model, and the degree, to which the model is admired, particular concerning parents and close
Mrs. H. U., born 1927, mentions that they had a barack as church room; because she had got the key, she had to open and to prepare the room for services or masses
Mrs. T.S., born 1936, mentions that protestant services were held in the catholic church, later in a school. She remembered not only the Protestant pastor, but also a couple of refugees, who facilitated community life as a parish by their practical work and help; thus, youth camps and bible study were prepared . She also remembered that her grandma, confronted with the catholic environment in the new home, felt like still living …show more content…
The dining rooom in the refugee camp was used as church room, where the confirmation event took place. The services were hold by a teacher and deacon, Until they got their own refugee pastor, and could build an own church building, they had to attend services in the Catholic church, which was very astonishing for the catholic inhabitants of the small village. Mr. S.A., born 1921, in Czechoslovakia emphasizes on the conviction that church for the expellees was a kind of homeland, because singing, prayer and encounter connected them with their lost homeland. Mr. H.D. Born 1935, remembers protestant services twice a month in a school. He remembers that the refugees were supported by the catholic parish, but also by Protestant groups, such as YMCA, women associations or brass …show more content…
parents and peers) in his or her environment. Therfore, such person is learning his/her coping strategy by observing the behaviour of others (Bandura, 1986). As applied to religious coping, when the observed behaviours are religious in nature, the observer forms religious cognitions and symbols that represent his or her developing repertoire of religious thoughts, beliefs, feelings, and judgements about the observed religious behaviour, the situation, and the environment, in which it occurred. These are cognitively stored as an option for religious coping at a later time. Also vicariously encoded as symbols and cognitions (Vicarious learning (Bandura, 1986)) related to religious coping are the observed risks and benefits of the behaviour: the age, sex, race, and background of the model, similarities to the model, and the degree, to which the model is admired, particular concerning parents and close