As Kruk (2012) observes, fatherless adolescents have more difficulties with social settings, adjustments and manifest behavioral problems. Some hide their resentment and unhappiness by putting on a good face, or others imitate a tough character persona to hide their fears and anxieties (Kruk, 2012). Due to the stress of dealing with these emotions, fatherless children perform inferior academically. 71% of high school dropouts come from fatherless families; they score poorly on tests or mathematics, reading and thinking skill, are more likely to be truant from school, are more likely to leave school by the time they are 16, and less likely to attain professional qualifications (Kruk, 2012). According to National Center for Fathering, (2015)
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As Carlson (2006) expresses, when fathers live away from their children, financial support diminishes. Research proves that nonresident fathers contribute fewer economic resources than resident fathers to their children (Carlson, 2006). Empirical evidence confirmed, Sorensen (1997) that many fathers who are able to pay child support choose not to, the so called “deadbeat dads”, denying their children much needed income. Studies involving nonresident fathers found that of the ones who pay child support, have the ability to pay more. Studies applying child support guidelines to the estimated earnings of nonresident fathers have concluded that they should have paid three times more than the amount they did in child support (Garfinkel et al., 1998). Other studies focusing on inner-city nonresident fathers concluded that they have considerably lower earnings and higher poverty rates making their ability limited to pay support (Sorensen, 1997). Children in father absent homes without his contribution have a higher chance to live in poverty. According to the 2014 U.S. Census 46.5 percent of children in female headed household were in poverty compared with 10.6 percent of children in married-couple families (U.S. Census Bureau, Income,
As Carlson (2006) expresses, when fathers live away from their children, financial support diminishes. Research proves that nonresident fathers contribute fewer economic resources than resident fathers to their children (Carlson, 2006). Empirical evidence confirmed, Sorensen (1997) that many fathers who are able to pay child support choose not to, the so called “deadbeat dads”, denying their children much needed income. Studies involving nonresident fathers found that of the ones who pay child support, have the ability to pay more. Studies applying child support guidelines to the estimated earnings of nonresident fathers have concluded that they should have paid three times more than the amount they did in child support (Garfinkel et al., 1998). Other studies focusing on inner-city nonresident fathers concluded that they have considerably lower earnings and higher poverty rates making their ability limited to pay support (Sorensen, 1997). Children in father absent homes without his contribution have a higher chance to live in poverty. According to the 2014 U.S. Census 46.5 percent of children in female headed household were in poverty compared with 10.6 percent of children in married-couple families (U.S. Census Bureau, Income,