Those eligible to receive relief were typically only those who fulfilled societal norms (widowed women and their dependent children), as "their poverty was seen as occurring through no fault of their own" (Rose, 1989, p. 66). Those who were unemployed, immigrants, African American, and women who did not conform to standards, were required to enter a workhouse. As the Great Depression hit and local government relief funds ran out, the public demanded increased relief. With unemployment rates at 25 percent, the Committee on Economic Securities (CES), the committee commissioned to draft the national security bill, recommended the creation of a federal relief program that would consitute both unemployement securities and employment assurances. According to historian Nancy Rose (1989), the first draft of the bill included a proposal for a government work program that would have provided public jobs for the unemployed, but was "perceived as interfering with labor markets and the basic rationality of capitalist production-for-profit" (p. 63) Without much explanation, Roosevelt backed out of an employment assurance policy, arguing that "all the power shouldn 't be in the hands of the federal government. ...We 've got to leave all we can to the states" (Kennedy, 2010). Many argue that the employment assurance policy was dropped because of the financial burden it …show more content…
According to historian David M. Kennedy (2010), "there were three complicated and interconnected considerations for the bill: how to fund the pensions, when the payments should begin, and who should be covered." Many wanted to follow the models of other countries that had a similar system already in place: by financing the old-age pensions out of the federal revenue. Roosevelt refused to dole money out of the treasury, instead declared the burden would fall on employers and