Power Transition, Balance of Power, and the Rise of China: A Theoretical Reflection about Rising Great Powers
By: Shih-yueh Yang
Summary
In his introduction Yang states that there is a “uncertain” understanding of what the consequences might be of China’s rise to power as the global hegemon (pg. 36). Throughout his article he critiques A. F. K. Organski’s theory of power transition, Mearsheimer’s the balance of power, and then at the end presents a revised version of the two that uses are few set variables that work to answer the question of where a state lies according to the rise of power. When examining the power transition theory, Yang notes, each variable should be related in some way otherwise the outcome becomes less of a theory and …show more content…
Wilson III begins his chapter of Smart Power by stating how being to “institutionally week” or “powerful” without “adequately integrated—positions” can lead to “consequences—being badly served” (p. 110). Hard power is the term given to a state that uses the strength of their military or economy to influence foreign states to do. Soft power on the other hand is the idea of a state using influence through persuasion on economical issues without using extensive power (p. 114). Wilson states that instead of being heavily militaristic (hard power), or too soft, using both powers (smart power) is actually the most “effective and efficient” together and will provide a much longer period of security (p. 115). With a new era, full of revolutionary new technologies, governments like the United States can no longer create foreign policies based on the account of their economic or militaristic hegemonic power, since other countries are able to compete with us on a technological level. The biggest reason for using smart power is that many states are developing quickly and are becoming very smart, which will make them much less influenced by states that only use hard or soft power (p. 118). Wilson criticizes both the Bush and Clinton administrations for lacking in new foreign policies that keep up with other countries and their understanding of smart …show more content…
He does not; however, mean that all the effects of the cold war, like the Berlin Wall and Cuban missile crisis, would be missed (pg. 1). What he really means is that the cold war brought stability through bi-polar powers between the United States and the Soviet Union (pg. 2). With two leading powers struggling to become the hegemony, the world becomes less anarchic. Mearsheimer brilliantly describes reasons for why a non nuclear Europe would actually not be safer than a Europe without (pg. 6). He claims it would only shift the focus from one threat, like nuclear weapons, to many new factors, like “the other dimensions of the new order [and] the number of poles and the distribution of power among them” (pg. 6). The article moves on to the interesting topic of what the definition of war in a post Cold War world. Mearsheimer believes that the concept of conventional war is no longer used because wars could be settled quickly on a battle field, while war between nuclear powers have much more than man to man combat (pg. 10). He talks about the ideologies of liberal democracy and its ways to “enhances peace and dampen conflict.” Mearsheimer has one small problem with this theory however. On page 11 he makes it clear that he does not believe that a state’s main desire is prosperity, instead he thinks that is it survival and that
By: Shih-yueh Yang
Summary
In his introduction Yang states that there is a “uncertain” understanding of what the consequences might be of China’s rise to power as the global hegemon (pg. 36). Throughout his article he critiques A. F. K. Organski’s theory of power transition, Mearsheimer’s the balance of power, and then at the end presents a revised version of the two that uses are few set variables that work to answer the question of where a state lies according to the rise of power. When examining the power transition theory, Yang notes, each variable should be related in some way otherwise the outcome becomes less of a theory and …show more content…
Wilson III begins his chapter of Smart Power by stating how being to “institutionally week” or “powerful” without “adequately integrated—positions” can lead to “consequences—being badly served” (p. 110). Hard power is the term given to a state that uses the strength of their military or economy to influence foreign states to do. Soft power on the other hand is the idea of a state using influence through persuasion on economical issues without using extensive power (p. 114). Wilson states that instead of being heavily militaristic (hard power), or too soft, using both powers (smart power) is actually the most “effective and efficient” together and will provide a much longer period of security (p. 115). With a new era, full of revolutionary new technologies, governments like the United States can no longer create foreign policies based on the account of their economic or militaristic hegemonic power, since other countries are able to compete with us on a technological level. The biggest reason for using smart power is that many states are developing quickly and are becoming very smart, which will make them much less influenced by states that only use hard or soft power (p. 118). Wilson criticizes both the Bush and Clinton administrations for lacking in new foreign policies that keep up with other countries and their understanding of smart …show more content…
He does not; however, mean that all the effects of the cold war, like the Berlin Wall and Cuban missile crisis, would be missed (pg. 1). What he really means is that the cold war brought stability through bi-polar powers between the United States and the Soviet Union (pg. 2). With two leading powers struggling to become the hegemony, the world becomes less anarchic. Mearsheimer brilliantly describes reasons for why a non nuclear Europe would actually not be safer than a Europe without (pg. 6). He claims it would only shift the focus from one threat, like nuclear weapons, to many new factors, like “the other dimensions of the new order [and] the number of poles and the distribution of power among them” (pg. 6). The article moves on to the interesting topic of what the definition of war in a post Cold War world. Mearsheimer believes that the concept of conventional war is no longer used because wars could be settled quickly on a battle field, while war between nuclear powers have much more than man to man combat (pg. 10). He talks about the ideologies of liberal democracy and its ways to “enhances peace and dampen conflict.” Mearsheimer has one small problem with this theory however. On page 11 he makes it clear that he does not believe that a state’s main desire is prosperity, instead he thinks that is it survival and that