Rwanda Gender Equality

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As I have observed in Rwanda, assuming that non-patrilineal kinship systems encourage gender equality is simplistic. An array of sociological factors regulate ndividuals’ position in a given community and lineage is only one. However because of the link between inheritance and genealogy, it is safe to infer that the position of women in patrilineal and matrilineal societies are bound to somewhat differ. Moreover, I remain convinced that holding women as exclusive holders of group membership has ramifications beyond kinship determination. As to say that if it is more enviable to live as a woman in those communities, only an immersive experience can tell.

I plan to evaluate the impact of matrilineality on four communities across three continents. I will investigate the repartition of powers through a gendered lens among
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Fleeing gender-based violence from British soldiers and Samburu men, Rebecca Lolosoli and fourteen other Samburu founded the village in 1990. Umoja, which means unity in Kiswahili, hosts dozens of Samburu women and children seeking refuge. Thus, membership to Umoja is established through a mother-child relationship. It is in an artificially matrilineal community founded on the premise of radical gender equity. In contrast to the typical Samburu power structure, Lolosoli has been elected matriarch of Umoja and all female councils have replaced all-male gerontocracy. Despite fleeing institutionalized abuse, women of Umoja remain attached to Samburu culture. Traditional garb is mandatory and the village relies on the revenue from Samburu artifacts. Interestingly, women from Umoja value children so much that many have affairs with men from neighbouring settlements, which explains the presence of over two hundred children. However, no men --including the fathers--are allowed to take up residence in the thorn-fenced village, though residents hire men to work on specific tasks such as tending to

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