Gender
Abortion is widely accepted as a “women’s issue” by abortion activists, with cis, heterosexual women leading the movement and serving as the voice for abortion rights. A search for trans men and abortion in academic search engines such as EBSCO brings up no articles on the issue. Indeed, the academic literature on trans men and access to abortion is severely lacking. The same is true for queer women. The idea that queer women and trans men cannot get pregnant uses stereotypes about their intersectional identities to exclude them from the discussion of abortion. These stereotypes come from the intersectional oppression faced by trans men and queer women, stereotypes that state that perpetuates the idea that queer women only have sex with …show more content…
Instead the literature and reports focus on women’s access to abortion and men’s feelings on the subject. Steven Barkan (2014) writes that scholars struggle to find an explanation for the lack of difference toward abortion attitudes between men and women. Barkan’s (2014) own study found that these differences could be explained by “religiosity” (Barkan, 2014). Barkan found that the difference between men’s’ and women’s’ support for abortion was relatively low, except for when religion was taken into account (Barkan, 2014). Barkan found that among individuals who identified as being “less religious”, women had higher levels of support for abortion (Barkan, 2014).
Class
Although class is never explicitly mentioned, intersectional identity based on class does come into account when discussing abortion access. In separate studies, Fuentes (2016) and Gerdts (2016) found that after the passage of H.B. 2 in Texas, women reported traveling longer distances and having to pay for hotel rooms and travel. This meant not only an increase in monetary cost, but an increase in time costs as well. Fuentes (2016) reported that some women faced the hard choice of taking time off of work, which meant they had to make a choice between having an …show more content…
urban access and how the identity of a rural individual prevents them from receiving adequate access to abortion care (Fuentes et al., 2016; Gerdts et al., 2016; Pruitt and Vanegas, 2015). Fuentes et al. (2016), Gerdts et al. (2016), and Pruitt and Vanegas (2015) all found that after the implementation of H.B. 2, the closure of abortion clinics in areas where doctors could not meet the admittance privilege requirement left many rural women without access to abortion providers (Fuentes et al., 2016; Gerdts et al., 2016; Pruitt and Vanegas, 2015). Pruitt and Vanegas also found that many of the poorest individuals in the United States lived in rural areas (Pruitt and Vanegas, 2015). The Guttmacher Institute (2017) states that “In 2014, some 96% of Texas counties had no clinics that provided abortions, and 43% of Texas women lived in those counties” (Guttmacher Institute, 2017). This means that’s almost half of Texas women had not immediate access to abortion providers, and thus would be required to travel in order to obtain an abortion (Guttmacher Institute, 2017). For someone, this prompted their search into self-induced abortion. Fuentes et al. (2016) write that of the twenty-three women they had interviewed five had thought about inducing their own abortions, looking up directions on the internet and asking family members about how self-induce (Fuentes et al., 2016, pg. 7). This interest had been
Abortion is widely accepted as a “women’s issue” by abortion activists, with cis, heterosexual women leading the movement and serving as the voice for abortion rights. A search for trans men and abortion in academic search engines such as EBSCO brings up no articles on the issue. Indeed, the academic literature on trans men and access to abortion is severely lacking. The same is true for queer women. The idea that queer women and trans men cannot get pregnant uses stereotypes about their intersectional identities to exclude them from the discussion of abortion. These stereotypes come from the intersectional oppression faced by trans men and queer women, stereotypes that state that perpetuates the idea that queer women only have sex with …show more content…
Instead the literature and reports focus on women’s access to abortion and men’s feelings on the subject. Steven Barkan (2014) writes that scholars struggle to find an explanation for the lack of difference toward abortion attitudes between men and women. Barkan’s (2014) own study found that these differences could be explained by “religiosity” (Barkan, 2014). Barkan found that the difference between men’s’ and women’s’ support for abortion was relatively low, except for when religion was taken into account (Barkan, 2014). Barkan found that among individuals who identified as being “less religious”, women had higher levels of support for abortion (Barkan, 2014).
Class
Although class is never explicitly mentioned, intersectional identity based on class does come into account when discussing abortion access. In separate studies, Fuentes (2016) and Gerdts (2016) found that after the passage of H.B. 2 in Texas, women reported traveling longer distances and having to pay for hotel rooms and travel. This meant not only an increase in monetary cost, but an increase in time costs as well. Fuentes (2016) reported that some women faced the hard choice of taking time off of work, which meant they had to make a choice between having an …show more content…
urban access and how the identity of a rural individual prevents them from receiving adequate access to abortion care (Fuentes et al., 2016; Gerdts et al., 2016; Pruitt and Vanegas, 2015). Fuentes et al. (2016), Gerdts et al. (2016), and Pruitt and Vanegas (2015) all found that after the implementation of H.B. 2, the closure of abortion clinics in areas where doctors could not meet the admittance privilege requirement left many rural women without access to abortion providers (Fuentes et al., 2016; Gerdts et al., 2016; Pruitt and Vanegas, 2015). Pruitt and Vanegas also found that many of the poorest individuals in the United States lived in rural areas (Pruitt and Vanegas, 2015). The Guttmacher Institute (2017) states that “In 2014, some 96% of Texas counties had no clinics that provided abortions, and 43% of Texas women lived in those counties” (Guttmacher Institute, 2017). This means that’s almost half of Texas women had not immediate access to abortion providers, and thus would be required to travel in order to obtain an abortion (Guttmacher Institute, 2017). For someone, this prompted their search into self-induced abortion. Fuentes et al. (2016) write that of the twenty-three women they had interviewed five had thought about inducing their own abortions, looking up directions on the internet and asking family members about how self-induce (Fuentes et al., 2016, pg. 7). This interest had been