Although researchers have made several forays into the radicalization process that focuses on religious ideology as a central factor, a more complex approach has emerged—one that examines the interaction between theology and psychology. Not entirely convinced by the idea that religious ideology alone can motivate individuals into carrying out violence, this novel perspective looks beyond, focusing on group dynamics (Sageman) and cognitive openings (Wiktorowicz) as explanations. Considering that Marc Sageman and Quintan Wiktorowicz advocate this theological-psychological model of radicalization, it comes as no surprise that the frameworks they use to lay out their works, Leaderless Jihad and Radical Islam Rising respectively, are similar. Starting
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Of the three factors Wiktorowicz emphasizes for facilitating “participation in collective action,” two of them are similar to the factors Sageman notes in his book (Wiktorowicz 14). For the first factor, Wiktorowicz stresses that “social networks [are] critical for recruitment.” He explains that “attitudinal affinity may predispose an individual to join a movement, but social ties are critical for transforming interest and availability into actual activism” (Wiktorowicz 15). The other factor he terms as “framing.” This is the alignment of “individual and movement interpretative orientation” and it is through them that “recruitment and mobilization [are] possible.” Where the act of framing “represents interpretative schemata that provide a cognitive structure for comprehending the surrounding environment,” the “movement’s schemata must resonate with an individual’s own interpretative framework to facilitate participation” (Wiktorowivz 16). And like Sageman, Wiktorowicz emphasizes the importance of socialization; groups use interaction to create a “common community of ‘true believers’ tied together though [...the group’s] shared interpretation of Islam,” and reality, which results in a “network of shared meaning” (Wiktorowiz …show more content…
This can take a variety of forms, depending on the individual, but when related to Islamic movements, the cognitive openings tend to be “economic (losing a job, blocked mobility), social or cultural (sense of cultural weakness, racism, humiliation), and/or political (repression, torture, political discrimination)” as well as “personal,” ranging from “death in the family” to “victimization by crime.” Exposure to movements and community outreach can also instigate a cognitive opening: “Activists can use current social networks or make new acquaintances to germinate a sense of crisis among contacts in discussions and subtle interactions.” Those experiencing a crisis are sometimes able to overcome the crisis by using their belief systems; however, these belief systems are not reliable, leaving some to be open to other views (Wiktorowicz 20). Those afflicted with a cognitive opening may try to find meaning in a theological context to alleviate their discontent, a process which Wiktorowicz calls “religious seeking” (Wiktorowoicz 21). When individuals with cognitive openings are exposed to a
Of the three factors Wiktorowicz emphasizes for facilitating “participation in collective action,” two of them are similar to the factors Sageman notes in his book (Wiktorowicz 14). For the first factor, Wiktorowicz stresses that “social networks [are] critical for recruitment.” He explains that “attitudinal affinity may predispose an individual to join a movement, but social ties are critical for transforming interest and availability into actual activism” (Wiktorowicz 15). The other factor he terms as “framing.” This is the alignment of “individual and movement interpretative orientation” and it is through them that “recruitment and mobilization [are] possible.” Where the act of framing “represents interpretative schemata that provide a cognitive structure for comprehending the surrounding environment,” the “movement’s schemata must resonate with an individual’s own interpretative framework to facilitate participation” (Wiktorowivz 16). And like Sageman, Wiktorowicz emphasizes the importance of socialization; groups use interaction to create a “common community of ‘true believers’ tied together though [...the group’s] shared interpretation of Islam,” and reality, which results in a “network of shared meaning” (Wiktorowiz …show more content…
This can take a variety of forms, depending on the individual, but when related to Islamic movements, the cognitive openings tend to be “economic (losing a job, blocked mobility), social or cultural (sense of cultural weakness, racism, humiliation), and/or political (repression, torture, political discrimination)” as well as “personal,” ranging from “death in the family” to “victimization by crime.” Exposure to movements and community outreach can also instigate a cognitive opening: “Activists can use current social networks or make new acquaintances to germinate a sense of crisis among contacts in discussions and subtle interactions.” Those experiencing a crisis are sometimes able to overcome the crisis by using their belief systems; however, these belief systems are not reliable, leaving some to be open to other views (Wiktorowicz 20). Those afflicted with a cognitive opening may try to find meaning in a theological context to alleviate their discontent, a process which Wiktorowicz calls “religious seeking” (Wiktorowoicz 21). When individuals with cognitive openings are exposed to a