The cultural identities of these men are different yet they are influential in a grasp of their Pan-Africanism’s values and ideas. Mboukou recognizes the social class divide between New World Blacks and the Black Africans in the Pan-African movement. This divide was based on how social advancement opportunities were more frequent for New World Blacks, thus they began to feel that they could lend their material resources to make the Pan African Movement a success. For instance, Middleton remarks on Williams being one of the few upper class black lawyers in England. He received complaints from African chiefs about British aggressive policies within the colonies. Colenso and Saunders acknowledge Williams’ tendency to push the movement towards
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For example, Clarence G. Contee remarks on how Dubois thought the Pan-African conferences were legitimate vehicles as a part of his ideology to effect social, economic and political changes in the oppressive conditions of the African and the Afro American. Nonetheless, Contee mentions that despite Dubois’ agenda to help Africa, it mostly found that only educated black elite attended the first four Pan-African conferences, hence leaving out Blacks from working class backgrounds. In a sense, Dubois was an intellectual that wanted the fight for Africa’s freedom to be the duty of the educated black upper class. Hence, Dubois neglected how this oppressive system also plagues uneducated or poor Africans in the continent. In terms of Nkrumah, his Pan-African ideologies were rooted in assisting the working class in order to create an equal, socialist Africa. In A Call to the Workers of Ghana, Nkrumah states, “…It is time to organise the trade unions for a general strike simultaneously with a military coup to overthrow the NLC and liberate Ghana from the clutches of neo-colonialism.” Nkrumah finds that any movement towards class struggle should have the working class at the forefront to rising against imperialism. Moreover, Mbonjo argues that his Pan-Africanism is inherent to the notions of class struggle in Africa. To Nkrumah, the organization of farmers and other …show more content…
In contrast, Kwame Nkrumah was a Marxist with socialistic principles that were aimed at establishing a United States of Africa, which would end colonial relationships in favour for a utopian not just for Black Africans, but also for New World Blacks. Therefore, these thinkers’ political, national and cultural identities intersection with one another to reveal not merely their belief that all Africans have a shared history and fate, but that they realize their Pan-Africanism within their life experience as a Black African, American or Caribbean in 19th and 20th
For example, Clarence G. Contee remarks on how Dubois thought the Pan-African conferences were legitimate vehicles as a part of his ideology to effect social, economic and political changes in the oppressive conditions of the African and the Afro American. Nonetheless, Contee mentions that despite Dubois’ agenda to help Africa, it mostly found that only educated black elite attended the first four Pan-African conferences, hence leaving out Blacks from working class backgrounds. In a sense, Dubois was an intellectual that wanted the fight for Africa’s freedom to be the duty of the educated black upper class. Hence, Dubois neglected how this oppressive system also plagues uneducated or poor Africans in the continent. In terms of Nkrumah, his Pan-African ideologies were rooted in assisting the working class in order to create an equal, socialist Africa. In A Call to the Workers of Ghana, Nkrumah states, “…It is time to organise the trade unions for a general strike simultaneously with a military coup to overthrow the NLC and liberate Ghana from the clutches of neo-colonialism.” Nkrumah finds that any movement towards class struggle should have the working class at the forefront to rising against imperialism. Moreover, Mbonjo argues that his Pan-Africanism is inherent to the notions of class struggle in Africa. To Nkrumah, the organization of farmers and other …show more content…
In contrast, Kwame Nkrumah was a Marxist with socialistic principles that were aimed at establishing a United States of Africa, which would end colonial relationships in favour for a utopian not just for Black Africans, but also for New World Blacks. Therefore, these thinkers’ political, national and cultural identities intersection with one another to reveal not merely their belief that all Africans have a shared history and fate, but that they realize their Pan-Africanism within their life experience as a Black African, American or Caribbean in 19th and 20th