Homicide and Assault: A Comparative Analysis of Attributes in Dallas Neighborhoods, 1981-1985 by Keith D. Harries from the University of Maryland Baltimore County hypothesized “the legal labels homicide and assault represent essentially similar behaviors differing principally in outcome rather than process” (p. 29). According to Harries (1989), to test this papers’ hypothesis it seeks the relationship between the high crime rates and the poverty areas based off the status of the neighborhoods (p. 29). Harries chose Dallas to be the focal point of his case study because “of its sustained high levels of serious violence, and it was the site of prior research by the author (e.g., Harries and Stadler 1983, 1986, 1988; Harries et al. 1984” (p. 31).
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The rates of both offenses relate inversely to socioeconomic status (SES) (Brantingham and Brantingham 1984). Other dimensions of possible quantitative and qualitative comparisons between homicide and assault are poorly developed, however including the concept that the only difference between the crimes is their outcome (p. 30). During the study, Table 1. Total Number and Percent of Victims by Offense and SES, Dallas 1981-85, illustrates approximately 1,200 homicides and 32,000 aggravated assaults obtained from the Dallas Police Department for the years of 1981 through 1985, servicing as the longest time series available when the research was conducted in the spring of 1986 (Harries, 1989, p. 31). This study shows that this data was victim-based and lacked information to describe offenders, victim-offenders relationship, or circumstance according to Harries (1989, p. 31). This study by Harries (1989) also found the following: All homicide and assaults cases were assigned to one of 12 housing areas recognized by the Dallas Department of Housing and Rehabilitation. These areas were then classified according to an Urban Pathology Index (UPI) based on percentage scores on substandard housing, black population, and median household income (p.
The rates of both offenses relate inversely to socioeconomic status (SES) (Brantingham and Brantingham 1984). Other dimensions of possible quantitative and qualitative comparisons between homicide and assault are poorly developed, however including the concept that the only difference between the crimes is their outcome (p. 30). During the study, Table 1. Total Number and Percent of Victims by Offense and SES, Dallas 1981-85, illustrates approximately 1,200 homicides and 32,000 aggravated assaults obtained from the Dallas Police Department for the years of 1981 through 1985, servicing as the longest time series available when the research was conducted in the spring of 1986 (Harries, 1989, p. 31). This study shows that this data was victim-based and lacked information to describe offenders, victim-offenders relationship, or circumstance according to Harries (1989, p. 31). This study by Harries (1989) also found the following: All homicide and assaults cases were assigned to one of 12 housing areas recognized by the Dallas Department of Housing and Rehabilitation. These areas were then classified according to an Urban Pathology Index (UPI) based on percentage scores on substandard housing, black population, and median household income (p.