Traditional gender roles permeate every aspect of society, dictating how we sit, eat, bath, dress, smile, and walk. Thus, it is only reasonable to assume that gender, and the roles ascribed to each group within the binary, will also impact the political nature of an individual. Differences in socialization, education, experience, and demeanor have ultimately developed a dichotomy between male and female legislators. The dualistic terms in which we assign traits (e.g. classifying one action/emotion/trait as feminine and its counterpart as masculine) has placed women at a significant disadvantage when we consider the process of becoming an influential and powerful public figure. By applying these differing expectations to political structures
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In contrast, it has been found that men are more likely to develop patterns of behavior that emphasize competition and forcefulness, traits that are equally likely to be applied in the legislative process (Rosenthal 2000). The effect of gender on these legislative duties cannot be easily quantified, but research concerning the interaction of men and women would logically predict a disparity in effectiveness as a result of gender. Legislative effectiveness is often measured through a “hit rate” analysis, observing the passage of sponsored legislation for each representative. Research conducted with these “hit rate” analyses have yielded mixed results, with some indicating that women are more effective than male legislators (Volden and Wiseman 2010; Anzia and Berry 2011), and others indicating that gender is irrelevant when predicting legislative effectiveness (Jaydel and Taylor 2003). Furthermore, recent research concerning gender’s influence on legislative effectiveness seems to have identified interaction variables, such as party status (majority or minority), that indicate an “ebb and flow” of superior effectiveness among the genders. Of course, a significant portion of any representative’s work, at the state or national level, occurs without a formal proposal or …show more content…
Legislators often work within party and committee structures in order to exert their influence over a variety of issues (Volden and Wiseman 2010). That being the case, the academic community has not reached consensus on whether or not either gender is naturally more effective than the other. Consequently, we can determine that the democratic theory explaining the gender gap in representation is unfounded. Many assert that a gender gap in political presence predisposes female legislators to focus primarily on family issues. Dissimilar life experiences, expectations, and gender norms among men and women have led female legislators to concentrate their efforts on matters that are often controlled by females, primarily child rearing and family development (Volden and Wiseman 2010). The tendency for legislators to focus their political agenda on matters that effect a subordinate or underrepresented group to which they belong transcends is only logical. In fact this phenomenon transcends gender, as legislators of a racial minority have also been observed narrowing their legislative focus as a means of maximizing the legislative benefit for their respective group (Hamm, Harmel, and Thompson 1983). In this case the gender gap in political “presence” is reasonable, as policy
In contrast, it has been found that men are more likely to develop patterns of behavior that emphasize competition and forcefulness, traits that are equally likely to be applied in the legislative process (Rosenthal 2000). The effect of gender on these legislative duties cannot be easily quantified, but research concerning the interaction of men and women would logically predict a disparity in effectiveness as a result of gender. Legislative effectiveness is often measured through a “hit rate” analysis, observing the passage of sponsored legislation for each representative. Research conducted with these “hit rate” analyses have yielded mixed results, with some indicating that women are more effective than male legislators (Volden and Wiseman 2010; Anzia and Berry 2011), and others indicating that gender is irrelevant when predicting legislative effectiveness (Jaydel and Taylor 2003). Furthermore, recent research concerning gender’s influence on legislative effectiveness seems to have identified interaction variables, such as party status (majority or minority), that indicate an “ebb and flow” of superior effectiveness among the genders. Of course, a significant portion of any representative’s work, at the state or national level, occurs without a formal proposal or …show more content…
Legislators often work within party and committee structures in order to exert their influence over a variety of issues (Volden and Wiseman 2010). That being the case, the academic community has not reached consensus on whether or not either gender is naturally more effective than the other. Consequently, we can determine that the democratic theory explaining the gender gap in representation is unfounded. Many assert that a gender gap in political presence predisposes female legislators to focus primarily on family issues. Dissimilar life experiences, expectations, and gender norms among men and women have led female legislators to concentrate their efforts on matters that are often controlled by females, primarily child rearing and family development (Volden and Wiseman 2010). The tendency for legislators to focus their political agenda on matters that effect a subordinate or underrepresented group to which they belong transcends is only logical. In fact this phenomenon transcends gender, as legislators of a racial minority have also been observed narrowing their legislative focus as a means of maximizing the legislative benefit for their respective group (Hamm, Harmel, and Thompson 1983). In this case the gender gap in political “presence” is reasonable, as policy