Beginning in 1949, Gail Hershatter frames the Chinese Revolution through the lens of the instrumental but often forgotten major players of the transformed society, rural women. The Gender of Memory disaggregates the public remembrance of 1949 to the modern period through the lens of intersectional identities in rural China. This is done primarily the implication of rural existence, poverty, womanhood, parenthood, and the shifting societal values under the rule of the Party-state. The transition from the end of the pastoral and "feudal" way of life is markedly altered by identity with the ushering in of the 1950s and Party politics. The gendered aspects of society contributed to only one facet of women’s experiences during this time period.
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This was compounded with the acute societal expectations of men and women, illustrating an even further divide within Chinese society. The differences between rural and urban life " was socially constructed and historically contingent" upon the emphasis on the importance of urban industrialization and the subordination of agricultural labor, resulting in the view of urban superiority and the inferiority of rural citizens (Cook, 203). Male-led industrialization was prioritized over the vitally important production of primarily women produced agricultural goods, and furthered the contrast of locative and gender realities during and after the revolution. The distinction between "city work versus rural labor" was primarily recognized as one of inequality in compensation for the general rural population, disregarding the additional pay inequity experienced by rural women (Cook, 214). This erasure is characteristic of the silencing of women in Chinese society. As such, the socioeconomic differences between urbanites and peasants demonstrate another facet of identity that altered the experience of rural women and lends support to Hershatter 's point of gender being only one of an "array of powerful relationships" that colored the reality of the Chinese …show more content…
The "exogamous and patrilocal" marriage structure was not altered, but marriage as an institution was changed with the revolution (Hershatter, 91). The rural community did not embrace the Party mandated changes due to standing societal values. The implementation of Party politics did not immediately negate the admired principles held by rural society. Despite the revolution "explicitly set[ing] itself in opposition to widow chastity and arranged marriage" the "virtuous widow" was still seen as a leader in society and widowed labor leaders were respected due to their chaste widowhood (Hershatter, 95). The continual alteration in marriage practices was "not in response to a single state intervention, but over a...more gradual... shift” in time and social mores (Hershatter, 127). This is reflected also in the transition from traditional midwifery to the implementation of modern medical practices. After the Great Leap Forward, the new midwifery program began to take hold in rural China for those who could afford such services. The support for these surviving offspring was expected from women. When compounded with the field work expected of women, the unexpected consequence of additional labor necessitated from the additional burden of children led to a large uptick in work to supplement income that not all women were able to complete due to
This was compounded with the acute societal expectations of men and women, illustrating an even further divide within Chinese society. The differences between rural and urban life " was socially constructed and historically contingent" upon the emphasis on the importance of urban industrialization and the subordination of agricultural labor, resulting in the view of urban superiority and the inferiority of rural citizens (Cook, 203). Male-led industrialization was prioritized over the vitally important production of primarily women produced agricultural goods, and furthered the contrast of locative and gender realities during and after the revolution. The distinction between "city work versus rural labor" was primarily recognized as one of inequality in compensation for the general rural population, disregarding the additional pay inequity experienced by rural women (Cook, 214). This erasure is characteristic of the silencing of women in Chinese society. As such, the socioeconomic differences between urbanites and peasants demonstrate another facet of identity that altered the experience of rural women and lends support to Hershatter 's point of gender being only one of an "array of powerful relationships" that colored the reality of the Chinese …show more content…
The "exogamous and patrilocal" marriage structure was not altered, but marriage as an institution was changed with the revolution (Hershatter, 91). The rural community did not embrace the Party mandated changes due to standing societal values. The implementation of Party politics did not immediately negate the admired principles held by rural society. Despite the revolution "explicitly set[ing] itself in opposition to widow chastity and arranged marriage" the "virtuous widow" was still seen as a leader in society and widowed labor leaders were respected due to their chaste widowhood (Hershatter, 95). The continual alteration in marriage practices was "not in response to a single state intervention, but over a...more gradual... shift” in time and social mores (Hershatter, 127). This is reflected also in the transition from traditional midwifery to the implementation of modern medical practices. After the Great Leap Forward, the new midwifery program began to take hold in rural China for those who could afford such services. The support for these surviving offspring was expected from women. When compounded with the field work expected of women, the unexpected consequence of additional labor necessitated from the additional burden of children led to a large uptick in work to supplement income that not all women were able to complete due to