He conducted the survey in Milwaukee Eviction Court, through in in-person questionnaires of tenants who appeared in eviction court between January and February 201 (Eviction and Reproduction 95). 1,328 evictions were filed, but tenants only appeared in 378 cases and of those, 251 were interviewed (66.4% response rate) (Eviction and Reproduction 95). They were asked about their current residences (rent, number of bedrooms, etc.), outcome of their hearing (evicted, dismissed, postponed, etc.), and their demographic information (Eviction and Reproduction 95). Of that 251, 105 people provided Summons and Complaint forms, which provided high quality data about the reasons for eviction, a roster for all individuals within households, and other information
…show more content…
explore the effects of the independent variables, financial security (H1), income (H2), and forced relocation (H3) on their dependent variable, residential mobility (Desmond et al. 232 233). They also study the effect of experiencing a forced move on the likelihood of undertaking a subsequent unforced (Desmond et al. 233). This study provides a more paradigmatic look at how eviction dynamics function in cities around the country. Drawing on original survey data of more than 1000 Milwaukee renters, Desmond et al. uses a series of complex models specific to each hypothesis. The first model, which addresses hypotheses 1 and 2, explains the number of moves renters undertook 2 years prior to being surveyed. Then they examined the association between household income (measured only at the time of interview), its quadratic term, and the incidence of moves in the previous 2 years (Desmond et al. 238). This model also accounted for markers of socioeconomic stability, such as highest level of education, job loss, and long-term relationship status, while still controlling for other relevant factors of residential mobility, like race, age, and children under 18 in the household (Desmond et al 238). To assess hypotheses 3 and 4, they estimated the effects of forced mobility on housing quality, measured by whether renters experienced …show more content…
242) They hypothesized that the most financially insecure and secure renters would have more residential mobility, and the data supported it with financially secure renters moving at a rate of 56%, and financially insecure residents at 42% (Desmond et al. 242). Regarding hypotheses 3, 17% of all moves were forced, with the poorest resident’s having the greatest likelihood, as suspected. Moreover, data showed that the most common type of forced moved were informal, making up 44% of all forced evictions compared to 27% informal (Desmond et al. 244). This is a critical finding for the study of eviction, as court documents and other official sources of eviction rates would never be able to demonstrate this crucial element of the problem. Apropos hypotheses 4, they find that renters who experienced a forced move are expected to have a moving rate 1.3 times greater than those who evaded forced displacement (Desmond et al. 249). Overall, this study provided substantial evidence of the relationship between eviction and why poor people move more than their financially secure counterparts. It effectively demonstrates that as more controls are introduced, such as race, children in household, and criminal activity, the less acute the effect of income is on residential mobility and the
explore the effects of the independent variables, financial security (H1), income (H2), and forced relocation (H3) on their dependent variable, residential mobility (Desmond et al. 232 233). They also study the effect of experiencing a forced move on the likelihood of undertaking a subsequent unforced (Desmond et al. 233). This study provides a more paradigmatic look at how eviction dynamics function in cities around the country. Drawing on original survey data of more than 1000 Milwaukee renters, Desmond et al. uses a series of complex models specific to each hypothesis. The first model, which addresses hypotheses 1 and 2, explains the number of moves renters undertook 2 years prior to being surveyed. Then they examined the association between household income (measured only at the time of interview), its quadratic term, and the incidence of moves in the previous 2 years (Desmond et al. 238). This model also accounted for markers of socioeconomic stability, such as highest level of education, job loss, and long-term relationship status, while still controlling for other relevant factors of residential mobility, like race, age, and children under 18 in the household (Desmond et al 238). To assess hypotheses 3 and 4, they estimated the effects of forced mobility on housing quality, measured by whether renters experienced …show more content…
242) They hypothesized that the most financially insecure and secure renters would have more residential mobility, and the data supported it with financially secure renters moving at a rate of 56%, and financially insecure residents at 42% (Desmond et al. 242). Regarding hypotheses 3, 17% of all moves were forced, with the poorest resident’s having the greatest likelihood, as suspected. Moreover, data showed that the most common type of forced moved were informal, making up 44% of all forced evictions compared to 27% informal (Desmond et al. 244). This is a critical finding for the study of eviction, as court documents and other official sources of eviction rates would never be able to demonstrate this crucial element of the problem. Apropos hypotheses 4, they find that renters who experienced a forced move are expected to have a moving rate 1.3 times greater than those who evaded forced displacement (Desmond et al. 249). Overall, this study provided substantial evidence of the relationship between eviction and why poor people move more than their financially secure counterparts. It effectively demonstrates that as more controls are introduced, such as race, children in household, and criminal activity, the less acute the effect of income is on residential mobility and the