Unlike the origins of other ethnic nationalisms, Kurdish nationalism was not an all-inclusive, ethnic movement, but in fact possessed a very exclusionary nature, further expounding the inherent relationship between Sunni Islam and Kurdish nationalism. According to many non-Sunni Kurds, Kurdish nationalism was perceived as another attempt to reinforce Islamic dominance over other religious communities in the area. These religious minorities rejected Kurdish nationalism during this period. While a majority of the Kurds in the region were devotees of Sunni Islam, a sizable minority, twenty-five percent, were adherents to other religions, including Shi’a Islam, Yezidism, Ahl-i-Haqq, Alevism, Christianity, and Judaism (McDowall 10-1). With such
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Islam was the focal point of ethnic identification, a structure for launching nationalist revolts against enemies and disseminating nationalist ideas, and the reason why other Kurds of different religious persuasions refused to be involved. Moreover, Kurdish nationalism should be considered an Islamic movement. The rise of nationalism transformed the way in which Kurds understood themselves and Islam, ultimately nurturing new interpretations based on their surrounding regional circumstances. While recent manifestations of Kurdish nationalism have been associated with the Marxist and atheistic inclined Kurdistan Worker’s Party (PKK), an organization hostile to religion, it would be interesting to see how the PKK has reconciled Islam’s power in stirring up Kurdish nationalist sentiments (King 23). David McDowell actually notes that the Turkish government in 1980s exploited Islam in order to discredit the PKK and disenfranchise Muslim orthodox Kurds from it. This caused the group to rectify its stance on Kurdish Islam and find a version of it suitable to its goals (435). Overall, further questions about the cooperative nature between religion and other nationalisms such as Arab nationalism and Turkish nationalism are imperative as well. To what extent Islam or any other religion serves as the mobilizing and mythological focal point for nationalist movements and becomes reinterpreted in order to suit these goals is a phenomenon that deserves attention and
Islam was the focal point of ethnic identification, a structure for launching nationalist revolts against enemies and disseminating nationalist ideas, and the reason why other Kurds of different religious persuasions refused to be involved. Moreover, Kurdish nationalism should be considered an Islamic movement. The rise of nationalism transformed the way in which Kurds understood themselves and Islam, ultimately nurturing new interpretations based on their surrounding regional circumstances. While recent manifestations of Kurdish nationalism have been associated with the Marxist and atheistic inclined Kurdistan Worker’s Party (PKK), an organization hostile to religion, it would be interesting to see how the PKK has reconciled Islam’s power in stirring up Kurdish nationalist sentiments (King 23). David McDowell actually notes that the Turkish government in 1980s exploited Islam in order to discredit the PKK and disenfranchise Muslim orthodox Kurds from it. This caused the group to rectify its stance on Kurdish Islam and find a version of it suitable to its goals (435). Overall, further questions about the cooperative nature between religion and other nationalisms such as Arab nationalism and Turkish nationalism are imperative as well. To what extent Islam or any other religion serves as the mobilizing and mythological focal point for nationalist movements and becomes reinterpreted in order to suit these goals is a phenomenon that deserves attention and