It has become a theme within scholarly works and implicit in recent history, that the most effective means of waging political struggle involves the use of violence. Conflict research has been dominated by concerns over the use, management, and control of violent force within conflict. This focus on violence is neither the only, nor necessarily the most potent form of conflict. The advent of nonviolent civil resistance within the Middle East context has gone grossly unappreciated in relation to the so called “successes” of violent insurgencies. The Middle East has endured a host of wars, terrorism, monarchies, foreign occupation, and dictatorship throughout its history. But what is less acknowledged is the power that nonviolent …show more content…
In situations that are prone to conflict, oppression, and non-democratic access, it is a valuable alternative to engage in civil resistance rather than armed conflict. This can take the form of protests, noncooperation, or directed intervention. Civil Resistance is generally nonviolent, but not perfectly nonviolent. It is still dangerous, disruptive, and confrontation; all aspects that can lead to change within a society. Nonviolence practitioners often are engaged in instrumental action as well, but remaining to the commitment to nonviolent means. Civil resistance has a “civic” quality to it in the sense that the grievances expressed are widely shared among the general …show more content…
He states that all power is based on consent, and consent can be withdrawn. Consent is physical obedience and cooperation rooted within the people. There are six sources of power. First is the legitimacy or authority of the regime; does the regime have the credibility to enforce authority upon its citizens? Second is human resources which represents the number and importance of the people who are supporting, obeying and providing assistance to the regime. Thirdly are the skills and knowledge needed by the regime to execute specific actions which are supplied by cooperating people working under the regime. The fourth aspect is the intangible factors which include psychological and ideological factors that coerce people to obey the ruling class. Fifth are the material resources and the degree to which the regime controls property, natural resources, financial resources, the economic system and the means of transportation. Lastly are the sanctions, or punishments that are threatened or applied against disobedient citizens to ensure the submission and cooperation towards the regime needed for it to exist and function. All of the above sources are dependent on the submission and cooperation of the population, and this consent is not