Protectionism In Brazil

1526 Words 7 Pages
Brazil’s industrialisation and development has been constrained by the lack of technology and skilled human capital. Ban considers Brazil 's new development policies to be similar to the 'economically liberal policy goals and instruments associated with the [Washington] consensus and policy goals and instruments that can be traced to the developmentalist tradition ' (Ban, 2013: 299). And that neo-developmentalist follow a tradition 'unlike the protectionism and export pessimism of old developmentalists’, in thinking ‘that since middle income countries have overcome the infant industry stage, protectionism should be scrapped and the goal of the open economy should be accepted as fundamental’ (Ban, 2013: 301). Similarly, Rodrik (2004) discusses …show more content…
The government of Brazil has a particularly strong interest in reducing the levels of child labour – as it is ‘interpreted as labour that involves health risks’ (Soares et al: 2008). Furthermore, the double work burden could be indicative of restricted attendance and non-compliance of the programme. Non-compliance to Bolsa Familia conditionality is seen as an extra flag of vulnerability. For example, families are initially extended extra help. Yet, after a continued period of non-compliance cash transfers are eventually withheld (Bastagli, 2008: 132). Non-compliance does not restrict families from being dropped from the programme, yet it could be indicative of necessary needs not being met. For example, this could be due to conditions out of the beneficiaries control such as environmental disaster or financial shocks. This is particularly true, when you look at indicators which reveal the decline in school enrolment during times financial shocks …show more content…
Child labour restricts the ability of children to gain higher education attainment of children in CCT households. Furthermore, the issue of a double work burden has a negative effect on the health of children receiving CCTs. As, school combined with the the added dimension of work, often coupled with inadequate nutrition is a huge level of commitment for children. In order to reduce the high incidence of child labour in Brazil, the government introduced an after school programme in 2006: Program de Erradicacao do Trabalho Infantil (hereby referred to as PETI) (Hall: 2008). PETI is focused largely in rural (Northeast) Brazil where the highest incidence of child labour is concentrated (Yapa et al: 2002). Reducing child labour could logically have positive run-on effects such as leading to more adults joining the productive labour force. However, it could have unintended negative impacts for children from families that don’t fall below the poverty threshold, leading to more non-participant children taking up productive labour (Yapa et al: 2002). While the programme can intuitively be seen as a positive development for improving the uptake of education, time spent in school will have no correlative effect on education outcomes if the children in the program do not have adequate nutrition. Additionally, PETI removes children from work by essentially doubling the length of the school day. Then, the government has addressed

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