After a series of unsatisfying communications between the caliph and Hulagu, the Mongols made an attempt to reach Baghdad from the west in November of 1257, across the Tigris river. Aware now of the proximity of the invaders, al-Musta’sim sent out an army to drive them back. In this early battle, the Mongols flooded the battleground by breaking dikes, trapping their opponents in the mud and slaughtering them while drowning others (Frazier, 2005). This would be the first of several direct attacks on Baghdad’s infrastructure, and would contribute to the hindrance of the city’s recovery from the siege that would occur in following months. The caliph’s lack of action, whether to bolster the walls around the city or Baghdad’s soldiers, after the
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Because the Mongols did not attack again from the west, misplaced relief may have been expressed. On 29 January of 1258, the Mongols arrived at Baghdad, this time from the east, and breached the outer wall. The caliph had to be convinced not to escape Baghdad by his wazir; this event could be interpreted a number of ways. One is to assume the caliph was simply living up to his reputation as a weak and cowardly man, which is, perhaps, the narrative favored by Shi’a historians. Another is to interpret his actions as an attempt to secure the safety of the head of the caliphate, as the Abbasid caliphate encompassed not only the city of Baghdad, but the entire known Arab world. The wazir’s intentions too can be called into question, whether his actions were self-serving and an attempt to garner favor with Hulagu or if his actions were honorable and an attempt to broker clemency for …show more content…
The book, although invaluable for the historical information it contained, was written under the Ilkhanate’s rule by a Muslim polymath, which meant information was carefully selected, such that the roles of Judaism and Christianity were minimized in favor of Islam (Atwood, 2004). Among the various illustrations is Hulagu and his favored wife, a Nestorian Christian Turkic princess named Dokuz Khatun. She frequently interceded on behalf of her Christian brethren and asked him to spare them in his 1258 attack on Baghdad (Waterson, 2006). To honor her request, Hulagu ordered Christians and the Shi’a to remain in a church, set off-limits to his Mongol soldiers, and supplied guards for others. Fortunately, this meant those who shared space with those offered a guard were also spared torture, death, and extortion, but the favor shown to Nestorians and the Shi’a would act as a point of contention in later examinations by the Sunni, especially with regards to the wazir’s potential conspiracy. The role of Christianity in Hulagu’s life is substantial, between his wife’s intervention and his own mother’s Christianity, as well as later interactions with Christian leaders. It’s interesting to note that while Hulagu spared the Shi’a in the 1258 attack, his clemency towards the
Because the Mongols did not attack again from the west, misplaced relief may have been expressed. On 29 January of 1258, the Mongols arrived at Baghdad, this time from the east, and breached the outer wall. The caliph had to be convinced not to escape Baghdad by his wazir; this event could be interpreted a number of ways. One is to assume the caliph was simply living up to his reputation as a weak and cowardly man, which is, perhaps, the narrative favored by Shi’a historians. Another is to interpret his actions as an attempt to secure the safety of the head of the caliphate, as the Abbasid caliphate encompassed not only the city of Baghdad, but the entire known Arab world. The wazir’s intentions too can be called into question, whether his actions were self-serving and an attempt to garner favor with Hulagu or if his actions were honorable and an attempt to broker clemency for …show more content…
The book, although invaluable for the historical information it contained, was written under the Ilkhanate’s rule by a Muslim polymath, which meant information was carefully selected, such that the roles of Judaism and Christianity were minimized in favor of Islam (Atwood, 2004). Among the various illustrations is Hulagu and his favored wife, a Nestorian Christian Turkic princess named Dokuz Khatun. She frequently interceded on behalf of her Christian brethren and asked him to spare them in his 1258 attack on Baghdad (Waterson, 2006). To honor her request, Hulagu ordered Christians and the Shi’a to remain in a church, set off-limits to his Mongol soldiers, and supplied guards for others. Fortunately, this meant those who shared space with those offered a guard were also spared torture, death, and extortion, but the favor shown to Nestorians and the Shi’a would act as a point of contention in later examinations by the Sunni, especially with regards to the wazir’s potential conspiracy. The role of Christianity in Hulagu’s life is substantial, between his wife’s intervention and his own mother’s Christianity, as well as later interactions with Christian leaders. It’s interesting to note that while Hulagu spared the Shi’a in the 1258 attack, his clemency towards the