The story of the Bougainville revolution is a case-study on sovereignty in a post-colonial context. The Bougainville Revolutionary Army (BRA)’s plight for their island’s independence from Papua New Guinea (PNG) is preceded by a frequent change in control of its island. Control of the Bougainville oscillated between Germany, Japan, and Australia before resting with the last following WWII. Ultimately, Bougainville was relegated to the dominion of PNG which achieved its independence in 1975. Bougainville’s own declaration of independence, which had been made prior, was never recognized by the international community. Until 1975, the jurisdiction of the Bougainville and its resources was predicated on military might. Assuming PNG gained its independence
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In gathering support from the Bougainvilleans, the BRA argued that the revolution was a fight not just for independence but for cultural preservation and environmental conversation. So their success came mainly from the islanders’ ability to use the island’s abundant natural resources to develop self-sufficiency and withstand PNG’s sea-blockade. PNG’s sea-blockade was the biggest threat to the revolution as it deprived Bougainvilleans of food, medicine, and other resources, thereby significantly worsening the islanders’ quality of life. Consequently, Bougainville’s shift to self-sufficiency farming, their use of coconuts for fuel and medicine, and their creativity in repurposing old mining equipment allowed them to refuse the demands of PNG and maintain autonomy. This self- sufficiency strengthened their belief that they should control their political fate and the fate of their ancestral …show more content…
However, as the island nears its referendum for independence, it may be forced to choose between upholding its values (ecological conservation) and obtaining sovereignty and true self-determination. In 2001, the BRA and PNG would settle on a peace deal allowing the Bougainville to operate autonomously within the Papua New Guinea constitution. In return, the Rebel army would have to dispose of its weapons and allow the PNGDF to operate on the island (CNN 2001). As part of this peace agreement, Bougainville President John Momis and PNG Prime Minister Peter O’Neill have agreed on a July 2019 non-binding referendum for a true Bougainville independence (ABC News 2016). The tentative vote on secession has sparked conversations on the reopening of the Panguna mine. Many believe the revenue from the mine would be critical to the success of Bougainville if it were to become a nation (Berett 2017). More remarkably, the Autonomous Bougainville Government plans to award mining rights back to BCL in a decision vehemently opposed by “hardline” groups. Some of these opponents argue that any operation of the mine would be destructive for the island, while others are open to excavation but simply oppose BCL having the rights (Tlozek
In gathering support from the Bougainvilleans, the BRA argued that the revolution was a fight not just for independence but for cultural preservation and environmental conversation. So their success came mainly from the islanders’ ability to use the island’s abundant natural resources to develop self-sufficiency and withstand PNG’s sea-blockade. PNG’s sea-blockade was the biggest threat to the revolution as it deprived Bougainvilleans of food, medicine, and other resources, thereby significantly worsening the islanders’ quality of life. Consequently, Bougainville’s shift to self-sufficiency farming, their use of coconuts for fuel and medicine, and their creativity in repurposing old mining equipment allowed them to refuse the demands of PNG and maintain autonomy. This self- sufficiency strengthened their belief that they should control their political fate and the fate of their ancestral …show more content…
However, as the island nears its referendum for independence, it may be forced to choose between upholding its values (ecological conservation) and obtaining sovereignty and true self-determination. In 2001, the BRA and PNG would settle on a peace deal allowing the Bougainville to operate autonomously within the Papua New Guinea constitution. In return, the Rebel army would have to dispose of its weapons and allow the PNGDF to operate on the island (CNN 2001). As part of this peace agreement, Bougainville President John Momis and PNG Prime Minister Peter O’Neill have agreed on a July 2019 non-binding referendum for a true Bougainville independence (ABC News 2016). The tentative vote on secession has sparked conversations on the reopening of the Panguna mine. Many believe the revenue from the mine would be critical to the success of Bougainville if it were to become a nation (Berett 2017). More remarkably, the Autonomous Bougainville Government plans to award mining rights back to BCL in a decision vehemently opposed by “hardline” groups. Some of these opponents argue that any operation of the mine would be destructive for the island, while others are open to excavation but simply oppose BCL having the rights (Tlozek