In “Theory of Unipolar Politics,” Nuno Monteiro considers how the emergence of nuclear weapons has transformed the traditional systemic balance of power. He outlines both the declinist and primacist theories to ultimately reveal that both are flawed and then proceeds to present his own argument regarding the durability of a unipolar world order. He concludes that if a unipole employs a grand strategy of defensive accommodation, which allows for the economic growth of rising powers, then the durability of unipolarity will not be undermined, even if rising powers’ economies overtake that of the unipole. While applying his theory to the contemporary world, Monteiro finds that “ the economic rise of China does not in and of itself foreordain the
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However, since the publication of “Theory of Unipolar Politics,” a new hindrance to U.S. power preponderance has emerged that supports the strong declinist view and is potentially more powerful than either the costs of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars or the 2008 crisis: economic protectionism. During Trump’s presidency, economic protectionism has manifested itself in a number of policies; however, none seem to pose more of a direct threat to the United States’ position in the world order than Trump’s aversion to multilateral trade agreements. NAFTA renegotiations, which have been ongoing since August 2017, have been a main point of contention and uncertainty between the United States and its neighbors. Despite the widespread doubt of the legitimacy of Trump’s threats to withdraw from the agreement, his repeated anti-NAFTA rhetoric points to instability of the US economic future and may prompt nations to economically align themselves in agreement with less politically volatile nations. This phenomenon can be observed further in the U.S. withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the decision of the remaining eleven countries to continue with the deal despite U.S. absence. As nations across the world move on with treaties to bolster one another’s economies and create an a trade union composed of 15% of the world’s economy, Monteiro’s argument that the U.S. remains economically dominant over China in the immediate future seems less definite. Furthermore, the argument that the U.S. can remain as a unipole despite other major powers developing stronger economies may be complicated by the factor of the U.S. clearly
However, since the publication of “Theory of Unipolar Politics,” a new hindrance to U.S. power preponderance has emerged that supports the strong declinist view and is potentially more powerful than either the costs of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars or the 2008 crisis: economic protectionism. During Trump’s presidency, economic protectionism has manifested itself in a number of policies; however, none seem to pose more of a direct threat to the United States’ position in the world order than Trump’s aversion to multilateral trade agreements. NAFTA renegotiations, which have been ongoing since August 2017, have been a main point of contention and uncertainty between the United States and its neighbors. Despite the widespread doubt of the legitimacy of Trump’s threats to withdraw from the agreement, his repeated anti-NAFTA rhetoric points to instability of the US economic future and may prompt nations to economically align themselves in agreement with less politically volatile nations. This phenomenon can be observed further in the U.S. withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the decision of the remaining eleven countries to continue with the deal despite U.S. absence. As nations across the world move on with treaties to bolster one another’s economies and create an a trade union composed of 15% of the world’s economy, Monteiro’s argument that the U.S. remains economically dominant over China in the immediate future seems less definite. Furthermore, the argument that the U.S. can remain as a unipole despite other major powers developing stronger economies may be complicated by the factor of the U.S. clearly