Celtic

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Russian American Co. and the Tlingit

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Promyshelenniki (or hunters in Russia who start in Asia and go east, were driven to hunt for bearing animals in the eastern frontier, the sable and the mink), they marched all across Asia and encountered the indigenous people of Syberia. Russia ended up killing a lot of tribal people in Northern Syberian. Most hunters will kill off any animal that lives in abundance. These Promysheleniki hunted sea otter living in the Berring Sea all the way down to California. From the 1730s, hunters make way to north pacific, until the British war of 1917. From the 1730s-on, Russia initially sends out a captain by the name of Bisus Berring (who was named after the Berring Sea). The Aleuts have a rebellion against Russia from 1772 to 1776. The Russians literally wiped out any Aleuts that came before the,

By the 1700s, a particular Russian comes in, Shelikov, who decides it is time to end competetion and he takes charge for enterprise. ALEXANDER BARANOFF was best known for the Russian American company. He comes in from the east and he comes towards the Tlingit in the 1800s, there is some ongoing battle. Tlinglit come in, burns them, and them some bargains are made. At the beginning of this era, the court will decide to send missionaries, they be Russian orothodox. The Orthodox priests are critical about how the natives are being treated, protest, almost to no avail. The British also come in, and this is also difficult. Captian James Cook, 1778, comes in and sees the possibilities for profit in this area.



Russian efforts to establish a colony in North America have left an indelible impression on the community of Sitka, Alaska. Between 1741 and 1867, the Russian Imperial Government colonized Alaska with a focus on economic enterprise. Colonization efforts were carried out first by independent Siberian fur traders known as promyshlenniki. Fur traders’ success led to the charter, in 1799, of the Russian American Company, a commercial fur company that was granted a far-reaching monopoly in Alaska. For 68 years, the Russian American Company expanded and developed imperial Russia’s colonial interests in North America. This empire briefly extended as far as California and Hawaii, but the principle colony was Novo Archangel’sk, known today as Sitka.



Sitka National Historical Park, located near the community of Sitka, is the only park in the National Park System that focuses on the story of colonial Russian America. It preserves the site of the 1804 Battle of Sitka, fought between the Russians and the Kiks.ádi Tlingit.

The Battle of 1804



The Battle of Sitka is one chapter in the story of Kiks.ádi Tlingit resistance to Russian colonization. In 1802, Tlingit warriors successfully attacked the Russian fort at Starrigavin Bay. Killing or driving off the inhabitants of the fort, they destroyed the buildings and a ship that was being built. Survivors fled to Kodiak Island, and notified Alexandr Baranov, Chief Manager of the Shelikov-Golikov Company (a fore-runner of the Russian American Company) of the attack.



Anticipating retaliation, the Kiks.ádi constructed a unique, palisaded fort known as Shish’k’i Noow (Green Wood or Sapling Fort), at the mouth of Indian River. According to Urey Lisiansky, Captain of the Russian ship Neva, “The fort was an irregular square, its longest side looking toward the sea. It was constructed of wood, so thick and strong, that the shot from my guns could not penetrate it at the short distance of a cable’s length.”



The fort was attacked by Russian forces and a naval escort, led by Baranov, in early October 1804. Although the Kiks.ádi, led by K’alyaan, repulsed a ground attack, the defenders concluded that ammunition and reinforcements were inadequate to hold the fort in the face of extensive cannon fire from the Russian ships, including the 350 ton Neva [1]. Under cover of darkness, the Kiks.ádi withdrew from the fort and the island, and established a new settlement at Peril Strait.

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Native Response to California Missions

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In California, it was first established nder Fry Serra, who was the earliest settler and sees construction of Indians of Southern California. The missions head north, on the coast, and are established among various Indian tribes and are forced into slavery, locked in each night. There is a high losss of life due to European maltreatment by the Fransicians. The missions in place from 1769 to 183were under the Mexican rule and became secularized. So, during this time, their treatment is bad. There is a great deal of rape that is inflicted onto Indian woman. One native of California explained that the Indians were slaves. Before that, they down the work. Various kinds of rebellion happened in the 1820s where inidans took over.



Fort Ross was in California

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Tribes/US Constitution: Role of Treaties

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While the senate ratifies treaties and regulates commerce, the executive arena is the one that negogiates treaties.

How are treaties acknowledged in the constitution?

Commerce Clause: the senate’s regulation over commerce

Supremacy Clause: treaties are the law of the land

The constitution is ratified in 1789. By 1789, the federal government is trying to make sure that they avoid the pitfalls that the government encountered. The individual colonies were regulating trade or not regulating trade and so the British government faltered in that regard. The US federal government wants to establish relasionships between tribes. No one can negogiate a tresty with a tribe except the national governement at this time.

In 1795, the Treaty of Greenville was made. Americans were trying to move to the Ohio country, where the Miami and the Shawnee were. Washington sends federal troops in to quell the tribes and the federal government. He accepts a different governmeor by the name of Anthony Whayne and they will defeat these tribes. The the Treaty of Greenville was negociated. This treaty is important because it set up a lot of stuff: paid tribes that they own the tribes. This treaty creates it so that there is unilateral changes of the treaties without asking the chiefs. There is a clause also in that treaty that says if the tribe decides to sell further land, they must only sell it to the federal government. Greenville established policy ownership, annuities, and federal premeption.

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U.S. Government Trading Posts (factories)

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In 1896. Legistlation created government trading houses. “Factors” (a person who runs a trading post) like John Jacob Astor will be competeing with the indians for trade in the area. Astor came over from German and created a monopoly on the fur trade. He had been friends with Thomas Benton and had been able to put a bill in congress to put an end to the factory system for a short period of time 1797-1822. Factories would not give the Indians creid and would not sell the Indians whiskey.



Needs brief overview of what the hell a trading house is…

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Cherokee Nation Schooling in Indian Territory

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The Brainerd Mission is a good example of Cherokee nation schooling in Indian territory. This was coming from the Indian Cilivization Fund Act that congress passed in 1819. Not only was the government giving money to this organization, but also the tribes and the American Board of Foreign Missions (ABCFM).

The Brainerd School is a good example of the first school that was created under the ABCFM to civilize natives. Many of the girls felt that they were bad to themselves, internalized racism, .

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What is Hodenosaunee: League of Iroquois?

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This was the name of the Iriquois league that literally means “people of the long house”. It had 20 to 25,000 people.



Member of a confederation of American Indian peoples of northeastern North America formed about 1570. Known originally as the Five Nations, it included the Cayuga, Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, and Seneca. It became the Six Nations after the Tuscarora joined in 1722. From its New York homelands, the confederacy aggressively enlarged its territorial control to include much of Ontario, Québec, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Michigan. Iroquois also refers to American Indians of the Iroquoian linguistic family, originally from the upper St Lawrence River, such as the Cherokee and Huron. Iroquois now live in Ontario, Québec, New York, Oklahoma, and Wisconsin, and number about 45,200 (2000).



The Iroquois language is still spoken in many homes although little of their traditional lifestyle remains. They are employed in a wide range of occupations with great variation in income. Most Iroquois are Christian, although a large number in New York belong to the Handsome Lake religion, a 19th-century development that incorporates much of the traditional religion.



The Iroquois League was formed and led by Hiawatha and Dekanawida as a defence against invasion and to prevent intertribal conflict. It was composed of a council of about 50 clan and village chiefs known as ‘sachems’, and each tribe had one vote. Decisions had to be unanimous. The Tuscarora were admitted without voting rights. An analysis of the organization of the Iroquois League by Benjamin Franklin contributed to the formulation of the US confederacy and constitution.



Traditionally, the Iroquois cultivated maize (corn), beans, and squash (pumpkin), supplementing their diet by hunting deer. Farming was organized by the women. Many families lived together in bark-covered longhouses in palisaded villages of several hundred people. Matrilineal kinship ties (passed through the mother's line) formed the basis of social and political life; women owned all property, and a man, upon marriage, would move into his wife's longhouse. Children took their mother's clan. Lineages were formed into three main clans, Turtle, Deer, and Wolf, each headed by a clan mother. Each village was led by a council of adult males who provided the village chief with guidance; leaders were chosen by the clan mothers. Warriors wore their hair in a scalp-lock, removing all other facial and body hair, and tattooing was common among men and women.



The Iroquois were very aggressive and tortured and enslaved their captives. They also practised ritual cannibalism. Honour was acquired by bravery and aggression in warfare.

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Beaver-Sea Otter-White Tailed Deer

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In the 17th century there was a huge demand for beaver hats. These hats were plush and soft, when they traded them it was almost ready to be created into beaver hats. Huron, Wendot is where the Iriquoid were living in the region will become jeaus that Iriquoid will align themselves with the dutch, ect. French become into beaver. Russia and the Aleut like sea otters. The white tailed deer is going to be involved with the Cherokee and the Creek. These are the basic traditional powers between these and the colonial powers, and the natives provided the pelts and the colonial traders purchased them for axes, pots. Whiskey is traded as well. Talk about the imp

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Tribes/US Constitution: Senate Role

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The senate retained the right to ratify treaties and to regulate commerce with foreign nations and Indian tribes.

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Trade and Intercourse Acts

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The Indian Intercourse Acts were several acts passed by the United States Congress regulating commerce between American Indians and non-Indians and restricting travel by non-Indians onto Indian land. The first of these acts, An Act to Regulate Trade and Intercourse With the Indian Tribes, was passed July 22, 1790. The acts generally expired and were renewed every two years until March 30, 1802, when a permanent act was passed. On June 30, 1834, Congress passed the final Indian Intercourse Act. In addition to regulating relations between Indians living on Indian land and non-Indians, this final act identified an area known as "Indian country". This land was described as being "…all that part of the United States west of the Mississippi and not within the states of Missouri and Louisiana, or the territory of Arkansas…" This is the land that became known as Indian Territory.

One of the most defining aspects of the acts was the establishment of a series of "factories" which were officially licensed trading posts where Native Americans were to sell their merchandise (particularly furs). The factories, which officially were set up to protect the tribes from unscrupulous private traders, were to be used as leverage to cause the tribes to cede substantial territory in exchange for access to the "factory" as happened with the Treaty of Fort Clark in which the Osage Nation exchanged most of Missouri in order to access Fort Clark.

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Mixed bloods and Cherokee Removal

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The interesting thing about the mixed bloods is that many of them had become aquainted with white culture. The Brainerd girls, who had become infatuated and amazed with the concept of white culture, were now making their opinions about Cherokee removal. By 1835, almost 25% of Cherokee tribes were intermarrying with whites. The results sparked a great divide between the thought of the mixed bloods and the full bloods. In 1835, in New Echota, a group of mixed blood tribal leaders signed a fraudulent treaty and sent 3,000 Cherokees to their new home of Oklaholma. Since there were such a great difference between cultural and ecomonic relations of full blood and mixed bloods, they obviously pewter off into two different political parties.

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Treaty of Limerick, 1691

IRELAND

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The Treaty of Limerick ended the Williamite war in Ireland between the Jacobites and the supporters of William of Orange. It concluded the Siege of Limerick. The treaty really consisted of two treaties which were signed on October 3, 1691. Reputedly they were signed on the Treaty Stone, an irregular block of limestone which once served as a mounting block for horses. This stone is now displayed on a pedestal in Limerick city. Because of the treaty, Limerick is sometimes known as the Treaty City. Of the treaty, or treaties one related to military matters, the other with civil affairs.

Contents

[hide]



* 1 The Military Articles

* 2 The Civil Articles

* 3 See also

* 4 External links



[edit] The Military Articles



These articles dealt with the treatment of the disbanded Jacobite army. Under the treaty, Jacobite soldiers had the option to leave for France to continue serving under James II in the Irish Brigade. Some 14,000 Jacobites chose this option and were marched south to Cork where they embarked on ships for France, many of them accompanied by their wives and children. This journey became known as the Flight of the Wild Geese.



The Jacobite soldiers also had the option of joining the Williamite army. 1,000 soldiers chose this option. The Jacobite soldiers thirdly had the option of returning home which some 2,000 soldiers chose.



This treaty had twenty-nine articles, which were agreed upon between Lieutenant-General Ginkle, Commander-in-Chief of the English army, and the Lieutenant-Generals D'usson and de Tesse, Commanders-in-Chief of the Irish army. The articles were signed by D'Usson, Le Chevalier de Tesse, Latour Montfort, Patrick Sarsfield Earl of Lucan, Colonel Nicholas Purcell of Loughmoe, Mark Talbot, Jo Wauchop, Galmoy.



[edit] The Civil Articles



These articles protected the rights of the defeated Jacobites who chose to remain in Ireland, most of whom were Catholics. Their property was not to be confiscated as long as they swore allegiance to William and Mary, and Catholic noblemen were to be allowed to bear arms. William required peace in Ireland and was allied to the Papacy in 1691 within the League of Augsburg.



This Treaty contained thirteen articles which were agreed upon between the Right Honourable Sir Charles Porter, and Thomas Coningsby, Esq., Lords Justices of Ireland, and his Excellency the Baron de Ginkle, Lieutenant General and Commander-in-Chief of the English army, and the Right Honourable Patrick Sarsfield, Earl of Lucan, Percy Viscount Galmoy, Colonel Nicholas Purcell of Loughmoe, Colonel Nicholas Cusack, Sir Toby Butler, Colonel Dillon, and Colonel John Brown. The treaty was signed by Charles Porter, Thomas Coningsby, and Baron de Ginkle, and witnessed by Scavenmoer, H. Mackay, and T. Talmash.



The civil articles were not honoured by the victorious Williamite government for long, as the Papacy again recognized James II as the lawful king of Ireland from 1693. The few Catholics who took the oath in 1691-93 remained protected, including their descendants. Starting in 1695, a series of harsh penal laws were enacted by the Irish parliament to make it difficult for the Irish Catholic gentry who had not taken the oath by 1695 to remain Catholic. These provisions had a consequent effect on the entire Catholic population in Ireland for decades.

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United Irishmen

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The Society of United Irishmen was founded as a Liberal political organisation in eighteenth century Ireland that sought Parliamentary reform.[1] However it evolved into a revolutionary republican organisation, allied with Revolutionary France. In 1798 it launched the Irish Rebellion of 1798 with the objective of ending British rule over Ireland and founding an independent Irish republic.

Contents

[hide]



* 1 Foundation

* 2 Movement spreads

* 3 1793–97

* 4 1798 Rebellion

* 5 The United Irishmen and sectarianism

* 6 See also

* 7 References

* 8 External links



[edit] Foundation



During the 1780s, liberal members of the Protestant Ascendancy had promoted expanding the franchise and increasing Catholic and Presbyterian rights in Ireland. This movement was led by the Irish Volunteers and Henry Grattan's parliament; though the movement made headway with several partial Catholic emancipation bills between 1778 and 1784, it stalled thereafter. This frustrated many Irishmen who believed that the Protestant Ascendancy was under the control of Britain and therefore not looking out for Irish interests. Some of these Irishmen became convinced that that Irish Parliament would never accept Parliamentary Reform while still under the control of a Protestant Ascendancy. However, it was an external event that got things underway.



The French Revolution broke out in 1789 and convinced many Irish Presbyterians and members of the Church of Ireland that Catholics were not inherently conservative and incapable of progressive political change as had previously been assumed. Thomas Paine and his Rights of Man were extremely influential in promoting this ideal in Ireland. In September, 1791, Irishman Theobald Wolfe Tone published "Argument on Behalf of the Catholics of Ireland" which maintained that religious division was a tool of the elite to "…(balance) the one party by the other, plunder and laugh at the defeat of both" and put forward the case for unity between Catholic, Protestant and Dissenter. Tone's pamphlet was hugely influential. Tone and friend Thomas Russell became passionate fighters for Catholic Rights. A group of nine Belfast Presbyterians interested in reforming Irish Parliament read Tone's pamphlet and liked his ideas. They invited Tone and Russell to Belfast where the group met on October 14, 1791. At this first meeting, the group, which became known as the United Irishmen, passed the following three resolutions:



1. That the weight of English influence in the Government of this country is so great as to require a cordial union among all the people of Ireland, to maintain that balance which is essential to the preservation of our liberties and the extension of our commerce

2. That the sole constitutional mode by which this influence can be opposed is by a complete and radical reform of the people in Parliament

3. That no reform is just which does not include Irishmen of every religious persuasion.



Except for Theobald Wolfe Tone and Thomas Russell, attendees at the first meeting were Presbyterian; most were involved in the linen trade in Belfast. The men involved were: William Sinclair, Henry Joy McCracken, Samuel Neilson, Henry Haslett, Gilbert McIlveen, William Simms, Robert Simms, Thomas McCabe and Thomas Pearce.[2]



The movement became supporters of the Catholic Committee, who had been working to get Catholic Emancipation bills through Parliament, repeal the remaining Penal Laws and abolish the Tithe laws. This was to remove legal disabilities and was not an endorsement of Catholicism itself, as the United Irishmen's revolutionary allies in France were dechristianizing their new state. Their ultimate goal was to separate religion from politics.



Up to 1792 the Society was in line with Henry Grattan's views, but came to differ with him as to the best method of reform. Grattan followed Edmund Burke and felt that a gradual continuation of reform was the best course. This reform was opposed by the Protestant Ascendancy majority (elected by a few thousand men), and usually by the viceroy who was appointed by the government in London. The Society planned for a democratic system with 300 constituencies where all adult males were enfranchised, and inevitably a break with London.

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Wales Acts of Union, 1536-1543

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The Act of Union with Wales came about between the years 1536 and 1543 as a result of a series of laws passed in the English Parliament.



Wales had been under the control of the English Kings since the conquests of Edward I and had been ruled as a principality. This meant that some laws were different in Wales to those in England. Following the Battle of Bosworth Field and Henry VII's victory there the links between the two countries became a little stronger. Henry was Welsh and many of his followers were from Wales.



The second Tudor monarch, Henry VIII was concerned that some of the Welsh lords were against his Split with Rome and there was evidence to suggest that some of the marcher Lords were harboring English criminals. To combat this, and to protect the Welsh coast from a French or Spanish invasion, Henry opted to take a firmer grip on the Principality.



The Act of Union, in reality a series of laws, meant that Wales was to be represented in English parliaments. It also meant that English, not Welsh, was to be the first language of the country: a move that is still resented by some Welsh people today.

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Gritthth Jones

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Did a lot of work trying to get kids to read in English

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18c. renaissance: history and literary tradition

WALES

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the use of history and literature in the 1800s, a continuation back to the welsh language

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Welsh Bible

WALES

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Look up in History of Wales to get more information...

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Cattle Drovers 18th century

WALES

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Imagine a huge, slow procession of hundreds of animals being herded along remote mountain tracks by men on sturdy ponies and on foot. It could be half a mile long from front to back, Drovers at workand would include small black cattle with wide horns, sheep, pigs, and even geese all walking in line.
Small, short-legged Welsh corgi dogs would be snapping at the heels of the cattle to keep them moving at a steady pace, and men with sticks would walk alongside to keep them from straying from the track.
This impressive sight was the passing of the drovers, a practice which had been carried out for hundreds of years but which was to end in the Victorian age with the coming of the steam railways. It then became much easier and quicker to load the livestock on to cattle trucks and send them to market by train.

Welsh corgi.
The Welsh corgi was a working dog kept for herding cattle. It worked the herd from behind in a half circle by nipping at the cows heels, rather than covering all sides like a sheepdog. They were nimble and, being very low with short legs, they could avoid kicks from the cattle.


The reason for these long treks across country was to drive animals which had been bought relatively cheaply from farms and from local markets in north and west Wales to the much wealthier English buyers in Hereford, the midlands, and even as far afield as Kent.
The trackways, which over the years became well worn by the hooves of thousands of animals, have since became known as drovers' roads - although hardly any were suitable for even horse-drawn carts at the time. One of the most important of these routes passed from west to east through Abergwesyn, just a few miles to the north of Llanwrtyd.
There are five pages about the work of the drovers. See more on the next page...

When the long procession of cattle, sheep, pigs, geese, ponies, men, and dogs were on their slow march over the hills the local farmers were given plenty of warning that they were coming. There would be the usual noise of herded animals, but the drovers would call and shout loudly when they approached farms or loose grazing livestock ! This was to warn the owners to get their animals safely out of the way, for if they got caught up in the mass of the drove it could be very hard to get them out again.


The route
of the old
drovers' road
between
Abergwesyn
and Beulah
Section of relief map


The approximate route of one of the most important of the drovers roads from west to east across mid-Wales is shown above. This is a section from a 1905 Ordnance Survey map, with the Sheep flockdrovers route from Tregaron to Abergwesyn and on past Beulah added in white. This track continued on eastwards from Beulah towards Newbridge, which was another important stage along the way to England.
The regular passage of the large gatherings of livestock and the men driving them eastwards had a huge impact on small towns and villages along the way. Their arrival would be noisy, local traders would be busy, and the inns would be full as local people made deals with the drovers for transactions to be carried out further along the route.
This is the second of five pages about the cattle drovers - see more on the next page...

Many drovers were also farmers or inn-keepers as well as dealers in livestock, and none could operate without a licence. Cattle marketOnly men who were householders, were aged over 30, and were married, could apply for a droving licence.
The drovers had to be carefully vetted because they had charge of large numbers of valuable animals, and the livelihood of many farmers and other people in Wales depended upon their skill and honesty.
During their regular journeys to England they were often entrusted with tasks like paying rents owed to landlords living in London, and other transactions not connected with the livestock trade. The drovers, however, were paid well for the demands of the job compared to other agricultural workers. At the height of the trade in the 1840s and 1850s some of the top cattle dealers employed up to 20 drovers each.

Drawing by
Rob Davies
Drover herding cattle


A slow moving procession of men and animals crossing remote areas in the hills was always in danger of being attacked and robbed if large sums of money were being carried.
This led to the setting up of Welsh banks to provide money for buying the animals locally before the long journeys began, and for handling large amounts of cash from the sale of the livestock in England. One of these banks was called the Black Ox Bank because of its links with the drovers trade.
Because of their trading contacts in London and elsewhere in England the drovers were also able to bring news and gossip back to Wales at a time when communications were very poor.
This is the third of five pages on the drovers. There is more about them on the next page...

he cross-country tracks used by the drovers followed the shortest route possible, often over very wild upland country. Even with the building of the earliest proper roads long after they first began to cross Wales with their animals, the drovers still kept to their own trackways.
When turnpike roads were built it became an expensive business to move large numbers of animals through tollgates, but the 'roads' over the hills were free. And these tracks caused less wear on the feet of the livestock than the hard roads of the later years.
As the drovers could be on the move for weeks, they needed places to stop along the way for food and rest for the men and shoeing, grazing and watering for the animals.
It's not much of a road,
but at least it's free !
The Drovers' Arms
on the Epynt
north of Brecon.
This old inn
was a staging post
on the journey
to England.


There were many inns at intervals along the regular routes to meet the needs of the droving trade. Some were simply part of a farm which provided rooms, food, and ale or cider. There were also drovers' inns, often in very remote locations, which had special enclosures for the different animals, and a blacksmiths forge. The head drovers would sleep overnight in the inns but the younger helpers would stay out to guard the livestock.
The animals were not allowed to be moved on a Sunday, so there was often a lot of noisy activity just after midnight on that day as the drovers got under way again on their long journeys.
This is the fourth of five pages on the cattle drovers - there is more on the next page...

The most valuable animals in the long procession of men, dogs, and livestock were the small Welsh Black cattle. An ancient native breed, they were very hardy and could cope with the poor grazing high in the upland areas. When they reached England they put on weight quickly in the richer pastures.
The drovers' journeys from Wales to England could take up to three weeks and cover hundreds of miles. They Welsh Black cowhad to make sure that the animals arrived in the best possible condition in order to fetch good prices when they were sold.
Progress across country was at a slow but steady walking pace, with regular stops for rest and for grazing.
But the drovers had another way of keeping the livestock in good shape, for many of the animals in the long procession were fitted with specially made shoes !

What ? You mean we're
supposed to WALK all
the way to England ?

Even the geese had protection for their feet. This was done by driving them through a mixture of soft tar and sand , which would form a very hard-wearing coating when it set. Sometimes they also had a metal foot set into the tar like very short stilts !
Drawings by
Rob Davies


The Welsh Black cattle were fitted with curved iron shoes like small horseshoes cut Pigs on the drove in half, with sections either side of the cloven hoof. These special shoes, called 'cues', sometimes had to be replaced on the long journey over very rough ground, and a blacksmith would often travel with the drovers.
The pigs in the procession had little woollen boots with leather soles fitted to each trotter.The remarkable tradition of the Welsh drovers did not last for long after the steam railway arrived in some areas in the 1860s, and the livestock could be carried to market quickly in railway wagons. Some of the drovers tracks continued in use for a while for moving stock to local markets, but today the only reminders of the old routes are in the names of inns and fields.

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Compare Welsh Gentry with Peasants

WALES

Back 18

get more information from the book

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Colm Cille, St. Columba

SCOTLAND

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Saint Columba (7 December 521 - 9 June 597), sometimes referred to as Columba of Iona, or, in Old Irish, as Colm Cille or Columcille (meaning "Dove of the church") was an outstanding figure among the Gaelic missionary monks who, some of his advocates claim, introduced Christianity to the Kingdom of the Picts during the Early Medieval Period. He was one of the Twelve Apostles of Ireland.[1]

Contents

[hide]



* 1 Early life in Ireland

* 2 Scotland

* 3 Lasting legacy

* 4 Vita Columbae

* 5 References

* 6 See also

* 7 Further reading

* 8 External links



[edit] Early life in Ireland



Columba was born to Fedlimid and Eithne of the Uí Néill clan in Gartan, near Lough Gartan, County Donegal, in Ireland. On his father's side he was great-great-grandson of Niall of the Nine Hostages, an Irish high king of the 5th century.



In early christian Ireland the druidic tradition collapsed, with the spread of the new christian faith. The study of latin learning and christian theology in monasteries flourished. Columba became a pupil at the monastic school at Clonard Abbey, situated on the River Boyne in modern County Meath. During the sixth century, some of the most significant names in the history of Irish christianity studied at the Clonard monastery. It is said that the average number of scholars under instruction at Clonard was 3,000.[2] Twelve students who studied under St. Finian became known as the Twelve Apostles of Ireland, columba was one of these. He became a monk and was ordained as a priest.



Tradition asserts that, sometime around 560, he became involved in a quarrel with Saint Finnian of Moville over a psalter. Columba copied the manuscript at the scriptorium under Saint Finnian, intending to keep the copy. Saint Finnian disputed his right to keep the copy. The dispute eventually led to the pitched Battle of Cúl Dreimhne in 561, during which many men were killed. Columba's copy of the psalter has been traditionally associated with the Cathach of St. Columba. A synod of clerics and scholars threatened to excommunicate him for these deaths, but St. Brendan of Birr spoke on his behalf with the result that he was allowed to go into exile instead. Columba suggested that he would work as a missionary in Scotland to help convert as many people as had been killed in the battle. He exiled himself from Ireland, to return only once again, several years later.



[edit] Scotland



In 563 he traveled to Scotland with twelve companions, where according to his legend he first landed at the southern tip of the Kintyre peninsula, near Southend. However, being still in sight of his native land he moved further north up the west coast of Scotland. In 563 he was granted land on the island of Iona off the west coast of Scotland which became the centre of his evangelising mission to the Picts. However, there is a sense in which he was not leaving his native people, as the Irish Gaels had been colonizing the west coast of Scotland for the previous couple of centuries.[3] Aside from the services he provided guiding the only centre of literacy in the region[citation needed], his reputation as a holy man led to his role as a diplomat among the tribes; there are also many stories of miracles which he performed during his work to convert the Picts. He visited the pagan king Bridei, king of Fortriu, at his base in Inverness, winning the king's respect. He subsequently played a major role in the politics of the country. He was also very energetic in his evangelical work, and, in addition to founding several churches in the Hebrides, he worked to turn his monastery at Iona into a school for missionaries. He was a renowned man of letters, having written several hymns and being credited with having transcribed 300 books. One of the few, if not the only, times he left Scotland after his arrival was toward the end of his life, when he returned to Ireland to found the monastery at Durrow. He died on Iona and was buried in the abbey he created.



Several islands are named after Columba in Scotland - including "Ì Chaluim Chille" (one of the Scottish Gaelic names of Iona), Inchcolm and Eilean Chaluim Chille



[edit] Lasting legacy



Columba is credited as being a leading figure in the revitalization of monasticism, and "[h]is achievements illustrated the importance of the Celtic church in bringing a revival of Christianity to Western Europe after the fall of the Roman Empire".[4]



[edit] Vita Columbae



The main source of information about Columba's life is the Vita Columbae by Adomnán (also known as Eunan), the ninth Abbot of Iona, who died in 704. Both the Vita Columbae and Bede record Columba's visit to Bridei. Whereas Adomnán just tells us that Columba visited Bridei, Bede relates a later, perhaps Pictish tradition, whereby the saint actually converts the Pictish king. Another early source is a poem in praise of Columba, most probably commissioned by Columba's kinsman, the king of the Ui Neill clan. It was almost certainly written within three or four years of Columba's death and is the earliest vernacular poem in European history. It consists of 25 stanzas of four verses of seven syllables each.



The earliest recorded example of the name Arthur in a British document occurs, as Arturius, in Adomnan's vita. There it occurs as the name of a prince among the Scots, the son of Áedán mac Gabráin, king of Dál Riata from AD 574, far from the legendary King Arthur's familiar haunts in the southwest.



The vita of Columba is also the source of the first known reference to a Loch Ness Monster. According to Adomnan, Columba came across a group of Picts who were burying a "poor little man"[5] who had been killed by the monster, and saved a swimmer with the sign of the Cross and the imprecation "You will go no further", at which the beast fled terrified, to the amazement of the assembled Picts who glorified Columba's God. Whether or not this incident is true, Adomnan's text specifically states that the monster was swimming in the River Ness -- the river flowing from the loch -- rather than in Loch Ness itself.



Through the reputation of its venerable founder and its position as a major European center of learning, Columba's Iona became a place of pilgrimage. A network of Celtic high crosses marking processional routes developed around his shrine at Iona.



Columba is historically revered as a warrior saint, and was often invoked for victory in battle. His relics were finally removed in 849 and divided between Alba and Ireland. Relics of Columba were carried before Scottish armies in the reliquary made at Iona in the mid-8th century, called the Brecbennoch. Legend has it that the Brecbennoch, was carried to Bannockburn by the vastly outnumbered Scots army and the intercession to the Saint helped them to victory. It is widely thought that the Monymusk Reliquary is this object.



O Columba spes Scotorum... "O Columba, hope of the Scots" begins a 13th century prayer in the Antiphoner of Inchcolm, the "Iona of the East".



St Columba's feast day is June 9 and with Saint Patrick, March 17, and Saint Brigid, February 1, is one of the three patron saints of Ireland. Prior to the battle of Athelstaneford, he was the sole patron saint of Scotland. He is also venerated within the Orthodox faiths as a saint and Righteous Father.[6]

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uNION Of Crowns

SCOTLAND

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The Union of the Crowns refers to the accession of James VI, King of Scots, to the throne of the England in March 1603, thus uniting Scotland and England under one monarch. This followed the death of his unmarried and childless cousin, Queen Elizabeth I of England, the last monarch of the Tudor dynasty.



The term itself, though now generally accepted, is misleading; for properly speaking this was merely a personal or dynastic union, the Crowns remaining both distinct and separate, despite James's best efforts to create a new "imperial" throne of 'Great Britain'. England and Scotland continued to be independent states, despite sharing a Monarch, until the Acts of Union in 1707 during the reign of the last monarch of the Stuart Dynasty, Queen Anne.

Contents

Front 21

Scottish Highlands

SCOTLAND

Back 21

A very mountainous region of Scotland. It has fierce winters with temperatures that can change. Every winter they lose people in the Highlands because it is so cold. The mouttians are very cold and green. There are deep sea locks all throughout the highlands that have sea locks, and land locks and depp running rivers. The land is not particularly arable. The primary grain in the area is oats and barly. Oatcakes are eaten a lot there and can still be cfound there. Men in army carried ground oats and mized it with water, they also called this a girdle. Although Ireland is mostly talked about when he it comes to bad things, Scotland also suffers from the potato farming.

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The Highland Line

SCOTLAND

Back 22

the line where the highlands start and the centrat coorider of gasgo and the borders the different cultures between the highlands and the lowlands

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Massacre at Glencoe

SCOTLAND

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Symbolic awnser of William of Stratford. Many of the scots will hate William, treaty of Limerick will ot be followed.

The Massacre of Glencoe occurred in Glen Coe, Scotland, in the early morning of 13 February 1692, during the era of the Glorious Revolution and Jacobitism. The massacre began simultaneously in three settlements along the glen—Invercoe, Inverrigan, and Achacon—although the killing took place all over the glen as fleeing MacDonalds were pursued. Thirty-seven MacDonalds from the Clan MacDonald of Glencoe were killed by the guests who had accepted their hospitality, on the grounds that the MacDonalds had not been prompt in pledging allegiance to the new king, William of Orange. Another forty women and children died of exposure after their homes were burned.

Contents

[hide]



* 1 Background

* 2 The massacre

* 3 Inquiry

* 4 Aftermath

* 5 References

* 6 External links



[edit] Background



In 1688, William, glad to enlist British help in his wars with France, accepted the invitation to take the throne of the Kingdom of England. The Scottish Parliament was more cautious and invited letters from him and James VII (ousted as James II of England). When the arrogant response from James persuaded the Scots to accept William, John Graham, 1st Viscount of Dundee, led Scottish Highlanders in Jacobite uprisings in an attempt to return the throne to King James. Dundee was killed at the Battle of Killiecrankie, and the rising in Scotland suffered inconclusive defeat at the Battle of Dunkeld. On their way home from this battle, the MacIains of Glencoe, a sept of Clan MacDonald, together with their Glengarry cousins, looted the lands of Robert Campbell of Glenlyon and stole his livestock, increasing his problems with gambling debts and forcing him to take an army commission to provide for his family. In his subsequent appeal for compensation, Campbell clearly believed the Glengarry men to be the more culpable, making no mention of Glencoe.

Glencoe, Edwardian painting of the site of the infamous 1692 massacre

Glencoe, Edwardian painting of the site of the infamous 1692 massacre



The Scottish Jacobites were heavily defeated at the Haughs of Cromdale on 1 May 1690, and James was defeated on 1 July 1690 at the Battle of the Boyne in Ireland.



On 27 August 1691, William offered all Highland clans a pardon for their part in the Jacobite Uprising, as long as they took an oath of allegiance before 1 January 1692 in front of a magistrate; if they did not sign, they were threatened with reprisals. The Highland chiefs sent word to James, now in exile in France, asking for his permission to take this oath. James dithered over his decision, convinced that he was close to returning to Britain to reclaim his throne. When it became apparent that this was not going to happen before the deadline, James sent orders back to Scotland authorising the chiefs to take the oath. This message reached its recipients in mid-December, only a few weeks before the deadline in difficult winter conditions. A few managed to comply promptly, and some did not comply. Alastair MacIain, 12th Chief of Glencoe, waited until the last day before setting out to take the oath.



On 31 December 1691, he traveled to Fort William and asked Colonel Hill, the governor, to administer the required oath. Colonel Hill, however, demurred on the grounds that he was not authorized to receive the necessary oath. He instructed MacIain to proceed quickly to Inveraray to make his oath before Sir Colin Campbell, sheriff of Argyll. Colonel Hill gave MacIain a letter of protection and a letter to Sir Colin asking that he receive MacIain's oath since MacIain had come to Colonel Hill within the allotted time. Colonel Hill also reassured MacIain that no action would be taken against him without his having the opportunity to make his case before the king or the king's privy council.



It took MacIain three days to reach Inveraray, partly due to winter weather, partly due to his being detained for a day at Balcardine Castle by the 1st company of the Earl of Argyll's Regiment of Foot, at the command of Captain Drummond, ensuring his lateness. On arrival at Inveraray, he was forced to wait for three days for the arrival of Sir Colin who was absent, spending the New Year with his family across Loch Fyne. Upon his return, Sir Colin reluctantly accepted MacIain's oath.



While MacIain was satisfied that he had satisfied the spirit of the required oath, and therefore did not anticipate any action against himself or his people, some elements within the government saw an opportunity to use his failure to fullfil the letter of the requirement (by missing the deadline) to make an example of the MacDonalds and simultaneously eliminate some enemies at one stroke.



[edit] The massacre



A plot was set in motion which apparently involved John Dalrymple, Master of Stair and Lord Advocate, Sir Thomas Livingstone, commander of the forces in Scotland, and even King William, who signed and countersigned the orders.



In late January or early February 1692, the first and second companies of the Earl of Argyll's Regiment of Foot, around 120 men, under the command of Captain Robert Campbell were billeted on the MacDonalds in Glencoe, who received them in the hospitable tradition of the Highlands. Most of the regiment was recruited from the Argyll estates, but only a minority actually bore the Campbell name. Others, including many of the officers, came from the Lowlands. Captain Campbell was related by marriage to old MacIain himself and so it was natural that he should be billeted at the Chief's own house. Each morning for about two weeks, Captain Campbell visited the home of Alexander MacDonald, MacIain's youngest son, who was married to Campbell's niece, the sister of Rob Roy MacGregor. At this stage, it is not clear that Campbell knew the nature of their mission - ostensibly the purpose of collecting the Cess tax, instituted by the Scots Parliament in 1690. The planning was meticulous enough that they were able to produce legitimate orders to this effect from the very Colonel Hill who had tried to help MacIain complete his oath in the first place, thus dispelling any suspicion the MacDonalds might have felt, although it was also Colonel Hill who issued the orders to begin the massacre two weeks later.



On 12 February 1692, Captain Drummond arrived. Due to his role in ensuring MacIain was late in giving his oath, Drummond would not have been welcomed. As Drummond was captain of the grenadiers, the 1st company of the regiment, he was the ranking officer, yet did not take command. Drummond was bearing the following instructions for Robert Campbell, from his superior officer, a Major Duncanson.



You are hereby ordered to fall upon the Rebels, the McDonalds of Glenco, and putt all to the sword under seventy. you are to have a special care that the old Fox and his sons doe upon no account escape your hands, you are to secure all the avenues that no man escape. This you are to putt in execution at fyve of the clock precisely; and by that time, or very shortly after it, I'll strive to be att you with a stronger party: if I doe not come to you att fyve, you are not to tarry for me, but to fall on. This is by the Kings speciall command, for the good & safty of the Country, that these miscreants be cutt off root and branch. See that this be putt in execution without feud or favour, else you may expect to be dealt with as one not true to King nor Government, nor a man fitt to carry Commissione in the Kings service. Expecting you will not faill in the fullfilling hereof, as you love your selfe, I subscribe these with my hand att Balicholis Feb: 12, 1692

[signed] R. Duncanson



For their Majesties service

To Capt. Robert Campbell of Glenlyon

Facsimile of orders given to Capt. Robert Campbell by Major Duncanson

Facsimile of orders given to Capt. Robert Campbell by Major Duncanson



He spent the evening playing cards with his unsuspecting victims and upon retiring, wished them goodnight and accepted an invitation to dine with MacIain, the chief, the following day.



Alastair MacIain was killed while trying to rise from his bed by Lt Lindsay and Ensign Lundie but his sons escaped as initially did his wife. In all, 38 men were murdered either in their homes or as they tried to flee the glen. Another 40 women and children died of exposure after their homes were burned. Elsewhere, various members of the two companies found ways of warning their hosts. Some took insubordination further – two lieutenants, Lt Francis Farquhar and Lt Gilbert Kennedy broke their swords rather than carry out their orders. They were arrested and imprisoned, but were exonerated, released and later gave evidence for the prosecution against their superior officers.



In addition to the soldiers who were actually in Glencoe that night, two other detachments each of four hundred men were, according to the plan, to have converged on the escape routes. Both were late in taking up their positions. It is possible that the snowstorm made arrival on time quite difficult – especially for those approaching over the Devil's Staircase from Kinlochleven; it is equally possible that they simply did not want to play any part in what they knew to be a heinous crime.



[edit]

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Battle of Culloden Moor, 1746

SCOTLAND

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The Battle of Culloden (Scottish Gaelic: Blàr Chùil Lodair) (16 April 1746) was the final clash between the French-supported Jacobites and the Hanoverian British Government in the 1745 Jacobite Rising. It was the last land battle to be fought on mainland Britain. Culloden brought the Jacobite cause—to restore the House of Stuart to the throne of the Kingdom of Great Britain—to a decisive defeat.



The Jacobites — the majority of them Highland Scots, although containing significant numbers of Lowland forces — supported the claim of James Francis Edward Stuart (aka "The Old Pretender") to the throne; the government army, under the Duke of Cumberland, younger son of the Hanoverian sovereign, King George II, supported his father's cause. It too included significant numbers of Highland Scots, as well as Scottish Lowlanders and some English troops.



The aftermath of the battle was brutal and earned the victorious general the name "Butcher" Cumberland. Charles Edward Stuart eventually left Britain and went to Rome, never to attempt to take the throne again. Civil penalties were also severe. New laws attacked the Highlanders' clan system, and Highland dress was outlawed.

Contents

[hide]



* 1 Background

* 2 Armies

o 2.1 Jacobite Army

o 2.2 British Government Army

* 3 The Battle

* 4 Aftermath

* 5 Order of battle

o 5.1 Jacobite Army

o 5.2 British Government Army

* 6 British Casualties

* 7 References

* 8 Bibliography

* 9 Film and documentaries

* 10 External links



[edit] Background



For further detail see Jacobite Rising.



Charles Edward Stuart, known as Bonnie Prince Charlie or the Young Pretender, successfully raised forces, mainly of Scottish Highland clansmen and defeated the Hanoverian Army stationed in Scotland at the Battle of Prestonpans. The city of Edinburgh was occupied, but the castle held out and most of the Scottish population remained hostile to the rebels. The British government recalled forces from the war with France in Flanders to deal with the rebellion.



After a lengthy wait, Charles persuaded his generals that English Jacobites would stage an uprising in support of his cause. He was convinced that France would launch an invasion of England as well. His army of around 5000 invaded England on November 8, 1745. They advanced through Carlisle and Manchester, to Derby, and a position where they appeared to threaten London. It is often alleged that King George II made plans to decamp to Hanover, but there is absolutely no evidence for this and the king is on record as stating that he'd lead the troops against the rebels himself if they approached London. The Jacobites met only token resistance. There was, however, little support from English Jacobites, and the French invasion fleet was still being assembled. The armies of General George Wade and of William Augustus, Duke of Cumberland, were approaching. In addition to the militia, London was defended by nearly 6,000 Foot, 700 Horse and 33 artillery pieces and the Jacobites had (fictitious) reports of a third army closing on them. The Jacobite general Lord George Murray and the Council of War insisted on returning to join their growing force in Scotland. On 6 December 1745, they withdrew, with the Pretender petulantly leaving the command to Murray.



On the long march back to Scotland the Highland Army wore out its boots and demanded all the boots and shoes of the townspeople of Dumfries as well as money and hospitality. The Jacobites reached Glasgow on 25 December. There they reprovisioned, having threatened to sack the city, and were joined by a few thousand new men. They then defeated the forces of General Henry Hawley at the Battle of Falkirk. The Duke of Cumberland arrived in Edinburgh on 30 January, to take over command of the government army from General Hawley. He then marched north along the coast, with the army being supplied by sea. Six weeks were spent at Aberdeen training.



The King's forces continued to pressure Charles. He retired north, losing men and failing to take Stirling Castle or Fort William. But he invested Fort Augustus and Fort George in Invernessshire in early April. Charles now took command again, and insisted on fighting a defensive action.



Hugh (Rose of Kilravock), 16th Baron, entertained the Pretender and the Duke of Cumberland respectively on 14th and 15th April 1746, before the battle of Culloden. On the occasion the Pretender's manners and deportment were described by his host as most engaging. Having walked out with Mr. Rose, before sitting down, he observed several persons engaged in planting trees. He remarked, "How happy, Sir, you must feel, to be thus peaceably employed in adorning your mansion, whilst all the country round is in such commotion." Kilravock was a firm supporter of the house of Hanover; but his adherence was not solicited, nor were his preferences alluded to. Next day, the Duke of Cumberland called at the castle gate, and when Kilravock went to receive him, he bluffly observed, "So you had my cousin Charles here yesterday." Kilravock replied, "What am I to do, I am Scottish", To which Cumberland replied, "you did perfectly right."



[edit] Armies



[edit] Jacobite Army



* Nearly three quarters of the Jacobite army was composed of Scottish Highland clansmen, the majority of them being Roman Catholic, but more than a third being Scottish Episcopalians.

* Around a quarter of the force were Episcopalians from the north-east Scottish Lowlands, north of the River Tay, so that more than half the total was Episcopalian, but the lowland contribution was obscured by their tendency to wear Highland dress as a kind of Jacobite uniform.

* Only 20-25% of the Highlanders were armed with swords, some having spears or axes and the remainder makeshift or captured weapons.

* During the invasion of England about 250 English Episcopalians from Manchester formed a regiment, but were left behind as a rearguard at Carlisle.

* Many of the Jacobites left for home after the Battle of Falkirk, and the army was poorly provisioned and short on rations.

* The Jacobite army which fought at the Battle of Culloden included men from: Clan Stuart (Stewart), Clan MacNeil of Barra, Clan Donnachaidh, Clan MacDonald of Keppoch, Clan MacDonnell of Glengarry, Clan MacDonald of Clan Ranald, Clan Mackinnon, Clan Cameron, Clan Gordon, Clan Fraser, Clan MacGregor, Clan MacLean, Clan MacLeod, Clan MacIntyre, Clan Ogilvy, Clan Chisholm, Clan MacLaren, Clan MacLea, Clan MacBain, Clan Maclachlan, Clan Macnaghten, and Clan Chattan, composed of Clan Davidson, Clan MacGillivray, Clan Macpherson, Clan MacKintosh, Clan MacDuff, and Clan Farquharson.

* At Culloden the Jacobite army was reinforced by 800 men from the Royal Écossais and Irish Brigade Regiments of the French army.



[edit] British Government Army



The British Army under Cumberland, assembled and trained at Aberdeen, was well supplied. It included:



* Three regiments of Scottish horse; Kerr's Dragoons protected the left flank, led by Lord Mark Kerr, chief of Clan Kerr. Possibly also included some German Hanoverians.

* Twelve battalions of foot, two thirds were English and one third was made from Scottish Lowland and Scottish Highland clansmen:

* One battalion and a militia had been largely raised from Clan Campbell Scottish Highlanders.

* James Sinclair, chief of the Highland Clan Sinclair commanded the Royal Scots along with Charles Cathcart.

* Three battalions of Scottish Lowlanders foot soldiers supported the government at Culloden from Clan Cathcart, Clan Colville, Clan Sempill, Clan Kerr and Clan Cunningham (company of artillery). Most of the these clans fought in mixed regiments such as the Royal Scots Regiment of Foot and some were under the name of an English officer such as Barrel's Regiment of Foot.

* Other Highland clans such as the Clan MacKay, Clan Munro, Clan Ross, Clan Sutherland, Clan Gunn and Clan Grant, sided with the government during the uprisings but were assigned other military duties at the time of Culloden and were not present at this battle. The Clan MacKay intercepted and captured gold and supplies to stop them reaching Jacobite leader Bonnie Prince Charlie before the battle commenced and the Clan Ross defended Inverness Castle against the Jacobites. It is often suggested that men from these clans fought for the government at Culloden but there is little if any evidence for this.



[edit] The Battle

Battle of Culloden

Battle of Culloden



The Duke of Cumberland and his army of around 8,811 men arrived at Nairn on 14 April. The Jacobite forces of about 5,400 left their base at Inverness, leaving most of their supplies, and assembled 5 miles (8 km) to the east near Drummossie,[2] around 12 miles (19 km) before Nairn. The Pretender had decided to personally command his forces and took the advice of his adjutant general, Secretary O’Sullivan, who chose to stage a defensive action at Drummossie Moor,[3] a stretch of open moorland enclosed between the walled Culloden[4] enclosures to the North and the walls of Culloden Park to the South. Lord George Murray "did not like the ground" and with other senior officers pointed out the unsuitability of the rough moorland terrain which was highly advantageous to the Duke with the marshy and uneven ground making the famed Highland charge somewhat more difficult while remaining open to Cumberland’s powerful artillery. They had argued for a guerrilla campaign, but the Pretender refused to change his mind.



On 15 April the Government army celebrated Cumberland's birthday, drinking his health at his expense. At the suggestion of Murray the Jacobites tried that evening to repeat the success of Prestonpans by carrying out a night attack on the government army encampment, but the half-starved Highlanders who had only had one biscuit apiece during the day were still 2 miles (3 km) short of Nairn by dawn and had to march back, then dispersed to search for food or fell asleep in ditches and outbuildings. Many of them lay exhausted in the grounds of Culloden House throughout the battle.



Early on 16 April the Government army marched from Nairn, and Jacobite guns sounded the alarm (though not all heard) to bring their troops to form two lines. The front line of exhausted highland foot soldiers had guns in the centre and on the flanks, the second line included their horse regiments, worn out from the night march, and the Scots and Irish regiments of the French army. The weather was very poor with a gale driving sleety rain into the faces of the Jacobites. The Duke's forces arrived around mid day and initially deployed in three lines. Upon observing the ground and rebel dispositions, the Duke thinned his army to two lines, which he extended to his left, their left flank anchored on a low stone wall running along the south end of the field towards Culloden Park. The Duke posted Wolfe's Regiment forward of his left flank, able to enfilade any attack by the Jacobite right wing. Horse Dragoons and Government militia moved round behind the wall to infiltrate the park around the Jacobite flank. The Pretender's artillery, outnumbered some three to one, opened fire first but due to a lack of trained gunners had little impact.

Culloden Battlefield.

Culloden Battlefield.



Over the next twenty minutes Cumberland's superior artillery continued to batter the Jacobite lines, while Charles, moved for safety out of sight of his own forces, waited for the government forces to move. Inexplicably, he left his forces arrayed under the Government fire for over half an hour. Although the marshy terrain minimized casualties, the morale of the Jacobites began to suffer. Several clan leaders, angry at the lack of action, pressured Charles to issue the order to charge. When he was eventually persuaded to issue the order, the McDonalds refused, angry because they had been placed on the left flank overturning their traditional right to take the right flank. The Clan Chattan was first away, but an area of boggy ground in front of them forced them to veer right so that they obstructed the following regiments and the attack was pushed towards the wall. The Highlanders advanced on the left flank of the Government troops but were subjected to several volleys of musket fire and the artillery which had switched from roundshot to grapeshot.

Monument at the site of the battle.

Monument at the site of the battle.



Despite this, a large number of Jacobites reached the Government lines, and for the first time a battle was decided by a direct clash between charging highlanders and formed redcoats equipped with muskets and socket bayonets. The highland charge broke and failed, the few rebels who managed to penetrate Cumberland's first line simply being shot down by the battalions in the second line. The fiercest fighting took place between Barrell's Regiment on the Royal left and Clan Cameron.



While the attack was still in progress, a small number of the Government forces had breached the park wall and the Campbell militia advanced unseen to fire at the right flank of the Jacobite lines. This added to all the other brutal gunfire, and threatened by cavalry the Jacobites were forced to retreat. The Duke ordered in his dragoons to rout the Jacobite forces, but the small contingent of Irish and other regular regiments covered the retreat as the Jacobites withdrew.



In a total of about 60 minutes the Duke was victorious, around 1,250 Jacobites were dead, a similar number were wounded, and 558 prisoners (336 Scots and Irish as well as 222 Frenchmen) were taken. Cumberland had about 52 dead and 259 wounded among his Government forces.



[edit] Aftermath



The aftermath of the battle witnessed the last in a series of efforts by post-Restoration governments to tackle dissent in Scotland. A persecution committed by the Stuart regimes of Charles II and James VII and II inflicted upon the Covenanters, known as The Killing Time, helped provoke the Glorious Revolution. In the reign of William III, the Massacre of Glencoe served as a small-scale, demonstrative act of persecution, following which Scotland was at peace internally. Following the rebellion of 1715, the Hanoverian regime had pursued a mild and indulgent, 'softly softly' approach, but further rebellions took place in 1719 and 1745-6.[5][6][7][8]



After the battle, Lord George Murray's general orders of the previous day fell into Hanoverian hands. Cumberland sent an order, "Officers and men will take notice that the Public orders of the rebels yesterday was to give us no quarter." It was later found that this was untrue, and the 'no quarter' section was nothing but a forgery. With this implicit order the Jacobite wounded and most prisoners were killed with bayonets, pistols and clubs. Indiscriminate killing went on for several days, all men bearing arms were hanged on location, and their womanfolk raped. Families fled from their scorched hovels and were left to starve. In total over 20,000 head of livestock, sheep and goats were driven off and sold at Fort Augustus, where the soldiers split the profits.[9]



Certain higher-ranking prisoners survived to be tried and executed later in Inverness and three 'rebel lords' were taken to London. It was for his insistence that these aristocrats were not pardoned, not for his actions in Scotland, that Cumberland was nicknamed 'Butcher' by some. To most Scots, other Britons and inhabitants of the British colonies he was 'Sweet William', and received, amongst other tokens of thanks, an honorary doctorate from the University of Glasgow and the gift of a house and garden from the Committee of Perth.

Glass slide of Culloden.

Glass slide of Culloden.



The Pretender fled the battlefield and survived for five months in Scotland despite a £30,000 reward for his capture. The Pretender eventually returned to France, making a dramatic if humiliating escape disguised as a "lady's maid" to Flora MacDonald.



Immediately after the battle, Cumberland rode into Inverness, his drawn sword still covered in blood, a symbolic and menacing gesture. The following day, the slaughter continued, when patrols were sent back to the battlefield to kill any survivors. Cumberland emptied the jails of English prisoners, and replaced them with Jacobite sympathisers. A numbers of the prisoners were taken south to England to stand trial for high treason. Trials took place at Berwick upon Tweed, York and London with many Jacobite prisoners being held in hulks on the Thames or in Tilbury Fort where there is a memorial stone. Executions were conducted on the basis of drawing lots on a ratio of about 1 in 20. In total 3,471 Jacobites supporters and others were taken prisoner in the aftermath of Culloden, with 120 of them being executed and 88 dying in prison; 936 transported to the colonies and 121 more "banished". While 1,287 were eventually released or exchanged, the fate of the others is lost to history. As well as dealing out summary justice to his captives Cumberland was equally ruthless, executing 36 deserters from his own forces found amongst the prisoners.

Mass graves of clansmen at Culloden Battlefield.

Mass graves of clansmen at Culloden Battlefield.



By contrast to the ruthless treatment of many captured clansmen, the detachments of Irish soldiers from the French army were permitted to formally surrender and were treated well and eventually returned to France. They were considered as regular soldiers of a foreign ruler and accordingly subject to the normal practices of warfare. The captured Jacobites were regarded as traitors (even if many had had no choice but to follow their clan leaders) and treated accordingly.



The Hanoverian forces' assault on the Jacobite sympathizers continued in the coming months—destroying the clan system with the Act of Proscription disarming them, banning the kilt and the tartan, the Tenures Abolition Act ending the feudal bond of military service and the Heritable Jurisdictions Act removing the virtually sovereign power the chiefs had over their clan. Statute provisions were aimed at proscribing the perceived religion of the Jacobites, Episcopalianism (Catholicism was already banned). Government troops were stationed in the Highlands and built more roads and barracks to better control the region, adding to the Wade roads constructed for Major-General George Wade after the 'Fifteen rising, as well a new fortress at Fort George to the east of Inverness. The proscribed clan dress of kilt and tartan was, at least officially, only permitted in the Highland regiments serving in the British Army.

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Scottish Reformation

SCOTLAND

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The Scottish Reformation was Scotland's formal break with the Papacy in 1560, and the events surrounding this. It was part of the wider European Protestant Reformation; and in Scotland's case culminated ecclesiastically in the re-establishment of the church along Reformed lines, and politically in the triumph of English influence over that of France.



The Reformation Parliament of 1560, which repudiated the pope's authority, forbade the celebration of the mass and approved a Protestant Confession of Faith, was made possible by a revolution against French hegemony. Prior to that, Scotland was under the regime of the regent Mary of Guise, who had governed in the name of her absent daughter Mary Queen of Scots (then also Queen of France).



The Scottish Reformation decisively shaped the Church of Scotland[1] and, through it, all other Presbyterian churches worldwide.

Contents

[hide]



* 1 Pre-reformation Church (1517-59)

o 1.1 Pressure to reform

o 1.2 Reforming Councils

* 2 Political Background (1543-59)

o 2.1 Lords of the Congregation

* 3 Reformation Crisis (1559-60)

* 4 Reformation Parliament 1560

* 5 Post-Reformation Church

o 5.1 Confession

o 5.2 Liturgy

o 5.3 Church Polity

* 6 See also

* 7 Notes

* 8 References and further reading

* 9 External links



[edit] Pre-reformation Church (1517-59)

Protestant Reformation



The Reformation

History and origins

History of Protestantism



* The 95 Theses

* Peasants' War

* Schmalkaldic League

* Magisterial Reformation

* Radical Reformation



Movements and denominations

Protestantism



* French Reformation

o Huguenots

* German Reformation

o Lutheranism

* Swiss Reformation

o Reformed Churches

o Calvinism

o Anabaptist

* Reformation in the Netherlands

o Mennonite

* English Reformation

o Church of England

o Anglicanism

o Puritans

* Scottish Reformation

o Presbyterianism

* Reformation in Italy

o Waldensians





Protestant Reformers



* Huldrych Zwingli (S, 1484–1531)

* William Tyndale (E, 1494–1536)

* Menno Simmons (N, 1496–1561)

* Martin Luther (G, 1483–1546)

* Thomas Müntzer (G, 1489–1525)

* John Calvin (S, 1509–1564)

* Thomas Cranmer (E, 1489–1556)

* John Knox (Sc, 1514?–1572)

* John Wesley (E, 1703–1791)



Precursors



* Avignon Papacy (1309 to 1377)

* John Wycliffe (E, 1320–1384)

* Western Schism (1378–1417)

* Jan Hus (B, ~1369–1415)

* Hussite Wars (1420 to ~1434)

* Northern Renaissance

* German mysticism



See also Template:Protestant

This box: view • talk • edit



[edit] Pressure to reform



From the fifteenth century, Renaissance humanism had already encouraged critical theological reflection and calls for ecclesiastical renewal in Scotland. From 1517, Martin Luther's doctrinal ideas were influencing Scots. As early as 1525 Parliament thought it necessary to forbid the importation of Lutheran books, and to suppress 'his heresies or opinions' throughout the realm.[2] However, this attempt was largely unsuccessful.[3]

The Martyrs' Monument at St Andrews, commemorates those executed before the Reformation, including Hamilton and Wishart.

The Martyrs' Monument at St Andrews, commemorates those executed before the Reformation, including Hamilton and Wishart.



In 1528, the nobleman Patrick Hamilton (martyr), influenced by Lutheran theology whilst at the universities of Wittenberg and Marburg, became the first Protestant martyr when he was burned at the stake for heresy, outside St Salvator's College at Saint Andrews. [4] (Hamilton had been spreading his message with the use of Patrick's Places, a short catechism founded on the doctrine of justification by faith[5]). However, the celebration, particularly in printed works, of Hamilton's stance, only served to increase interest in the new ideas. Indeed, the Archbishop of St Andrews was warned against any further such public executions as "the reek of Maister Patrik Hammyltoun has infected as many as it blew upon".[6] Further prosecutions and executions followed in the 1530s and 40s.



The Parliament of Scotland, in 1541, thought it necessary to pass further legislation protecting the honour of the mass, prayer to the Virgin Mary, images of the saints, and the authority of the pope. Private meetings of 'heretics where there errors are spread' were prohibited, informers rewarded, and Protestant sympathisers barred from royal office. All this was testimony to the growing attraction of Protestant ideas.



The cause of reform also enjoyed influential support. At this time, the clergy produced a list for the king of over a hundred landowners disaffected to the church. Such was the strength of sympathisers of reformation that, on the death of James V in 1542, they were able to form a government {under the vacillating Earl of Arran, who at that point favoured an English alliance and reforming causes).



[edit] Reforming Councils



The pre-Reformation Church did respond to some of the criticism[7] being made against it. John Hamilton (the last pre-reformation Archbishop of St Andrews) instigated a series of provincial councils (1549-1559) modelled on the contemporaneous Council of Trent. These blamed the advance of the Protestant heresies on "the corruption of morals and the profane lewdness of life in churchmen of all ranks, together with crass ignorance of literature and of the liberal arts".[8] In 1548, attempts were made to eliminate concubinage, clerical pluralism, clerical trading, and non-residence, and to prohibit unqualified persons from holding church offices. Further, the clergy were enjoined to scriptural reflection and bishops and parsons instructed to preach at least four times a year. Monks were to be sent to university, and theologians appointed for each monastery, college and cathedral. However, in 1552, it was acknowledged that little had been accomplished. Attendance at mass was still sparse and "the inferior clergy of this realm and the prelates have not, for the most part, attained such proficiency in the knowledge of the Holy Scriptures as to be able by their own efforts rightly to instruct the people in the catholic faith and other things necessary to salvation or to convert the erring".[9] The internal reform seemed too little, too late.



[edit] Political Background (1543-59)

Cardinal Beaton, defender of the old faith, and leader of the pro-French faction.

Cardinal Beaton, defender of the old faith, and leader of the pro-French faction.



By 1535, the English king, Henry VIII, had broken with Rome and had been excommunicated. He had also permitted the reading of the Bible in the native tongue. These 'English heresies' were an additional influence on events in Scotland. Ecclesiastical ideas were linked to political manoeuvring. English policy from the 1530s aimed at enticing Scotland away from its traditional ties to France (the 'Auld alliance') and Rome. In the 1540s Henry sought a treaty for the marriage of his infant son Edward to the infant Mary (by then Queen of Scots): the regent, Arran, approved this match in August 1543 (by the Treaties of Greenwich). However, reaction against it in Scotland allowed a coup by Cardinal David Beaton that December. Beaton repudiated the reforming policies, and all consideration of an English marriage for the Queen. The result was Henry's 'Rough Wooing' of 1544-5, which devastated south-east Scotland, and was only halted by the defeat of the invaders at Ancrum Moor in February 1545.



In 1546, Beaton arrested and executed George Wishart,a preacher who came under the influence of John Calvin in Geneva - and had indeed translated the First Helvetic Confession into Scots. Retribution quickly followed. A group of rebels seized Beaton's castle at Saint Andrews, and murdered him. These 'Castelians' (who, after the murder, were joined by a renegade priest, and student of Wishart's, named John Knox[10]) held out in the castle until 1547, when they were forced to surrender to a French squadron and were imprisoned or taken as galley slaves. English forces arrived too late to save them, but nevertheless, having defeated the Scots at Pinkie, occupied south-east Scotland as far north as Dundee. This occupation (1547-49) encouraged the reforming cause; English Bibles circulated freely, and several earls pledged themselves 'to cause the word of God to be taught and preached'.



To counter the English, the Scots secured French help, the price of which was the betrothal of the infant Queen to the French dauphin, the future Francis II; she departed to France in 1548. At this point, "the policy of Henry VIII had failed completely".[11] French ascendancy was made absolute over the next decade. Arran, in 1554, was given the title Duke du Châtellerault and removed from the regency in favour of Mary of Guise (the Queen Mother). During her regency (1554-1559), Frenchmen were put in charge of the treasury, the Great Seal, and the French ambassador sometimes attended the Privy Council.



[edit] Lords of the Congregation



At first Mary of Guise cultivated the now growing number of Protestant preachers. She needed to win support for her pro-French policies, and they could expect no alternative support from England, which had recently come under the rule of the Roman Catholic Mary Tudor. However, the marriage of Mary Queen of Scots to the dauphin in 1558 heightened fears that Scotland would become a French province.



By 1557, a group of Scottish lords (known as 'the Lords of the Congregation') drew up a covenant to 'maintain, set forth, and establish the most blessed Word of God and his Congregation.' This was followed by outbreaks of iconoclasm in 1558-9. At the same time, plans were being drawn up for a Reformed programme of parish worship and preaching, as local communities sought out Protestant ministers. In 1558, the Regent summoned the Protestant preachers to answer for their teaching, but backed down when lairds from the west country threatened to revolt.



[edit] Reformation Crisis (1559-60)



The accession, in England, of the Protestant Queen Elizabeth in 1558 gave fresh hope to the reformers. January 1559 saw the publication of the anonymous Beggars' Summons, which threatened friars with eviction on the grounds that their property belonged to the genuine poor. This was calculated to appeal to the passions of the populace of towns who appeared to have particular complaints against friars.[12] Fearing disorder, the Regent summoned the reformed preachers to appear before her at Stirling on May 10th: insurrection followed. The men of Angus assembled in Dundee to accompany the preachers to Stirling, on May 4th they were joined by Knox recently arrived from France. Here, stirred by Knox's sermons in Perth and Dundee, the mob sacked religious houses (including the tomb of James I). In response, the Regent marched on Perth, but was forced to withdraw and negotiate when another reformed contingent arrived from the west. Among the Regent's ambassadors was the Earl of Argyll and Lord James Stewart (both professed Protestants), however when the Regent went back on her word, by stationing French mercenaries in Perth, both abandoned her and joined the Lords of the Congregation at St Andrews, where they were joined by Knox. Even Edinburgh soon fell to them, as Mary retreated to Dunbar. Chatelherault, at this point, accepted the leadership of the 'Lords of the Congregation' and established a provisional government. However, Mary of Guise was reinforced by professional French troops, and drove the rebels back to Stirling. All seemed lost for the Protestant side until an English fleet arrived in the Firth of Forth, in January 1560, causing the French to retreat to Leith.

The 'blast' rendered Knox unacceptable to Elizabeth, although it had been aimed at her predecessor Mary

The 'blast' rendered Knox unacceptable to Elizabeth, although it had been aimed at her predecessor Mary



Negotiations then began (from which Knox was excluded, his earlier tract The First Blast of the Trumpet Against the Monstrous Regiment of Women rendering him unacceptable to Elizabeth I). The resulting Treaty of Berwick (February) was an agreement between Chatelherault and the English to act jointly to expel the French. However, in June 1560, Mary of Guise died, allowing the Treaty of Edinburgh: a negotiation between France and England, which secured the withdrawal of both French and English troops from Scotland. Although the French commissioners were unwilling to treat with the insurgent Lords of the Congregation, they offered the Scots certain concessions from King Francis and Queen Mary, including the right to summon a parliament according to use and custom. The effect of the treaty was to leave power in the hands of the Protestants.



[edit] Reformation Parliament 1560



The Scots' Parliament met in Edinburgh on July 10 1560. Fourteen earls, six bishops, nineteen lords, twenty one abbots, twenty-two burgh commissioners, and over a hundred lairds claimed right to sit. Parliament then set up a 'committee of the articles' which, after three weeks, recommended a condemnation of transubstantiation, justification by works, indulgences, purgatory, and papal authority. Further it recommended restoring the discipline of the early Church, and redistributing the wealth of the Church to the ministry, schools and the poor. On 17 August, Parliament approved a Reformed Confession of Faith (the Scots Confession), and on 24 August it passed three Acts that destroyed the old faith in Scotland. Under these, all previous acts not in conformity with the confession were annulled; the sacraments were reduced to two (to be performed by reformed preachers alone), and the celebration of the mass was made punishable by a series of penalties (ultimately death). Papal jurisdiction in Scotland was repudiated.



However, aside from approving the confession, parliament showed little interest in plans for the reformation of the church. Significantly, although the traditional functions of the old clergy had been terminated, the clerical estate remained legally intact and, more importantly, in possession of the revenues of the old church. What shape the new church was to take was left open, and indeed was not finally settled until 1689.[13] Moreover, and perhaps unsurprisingly, the Queen declined to endorse even the acts that Parliament had passed, which were not officially ratified until the first parliament of James VI in 1567. Nevertheless, from this point on, Scotland was, in effect, a Protestant state.

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Unions of Parliament 1707

SCOTLAND

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The Acts of Union were a pair of Parliamentary Acts passed in 1706 and 1707 by, respectively, the Parliament of England and the Parliament of Scotland, to put into effect the terms of the Treaty of Union which had been negotiated between the two countries. The Acts joined the Kingdom of England and the Kingdom of Scotland (previously separate states, with separate legislatures but with the same monarch) into a single Kingdom of Great Britain.



The two countries had shared a monarch for about 100 years (since the Union of the Crowns in 1603, when King James VI of Scotland inherited the English throne from his cousin, Queen Elizabeth I). Although described as a Union of Crowns, until 1707 there were in fact two separate Crowns resting on the same head. There had been three attempts in 1606, 1667, and 1689 to unite the two countries by Acts of Parliament, but it was not until the early 18th century that the idea had the will of both political establishments behind them, albeit for rather different reasons.



The Acts took effect on 1 May 1707. On this date, the Scots Parliament and the English Parliament merged to form the Parliament of Great Britain, based in the Palace of Westminster in London, the former home of the English Parliament (the parliaments of England and Scotland were dissolved[citation needed]). Hence, the Acts are referred to as the Union of the Parliaments.



There was an attempt to rename Scotland and England as North and South Britain. This was generally short lived, particularly in "South Britain" - although the name "North Britain" lingered for a while in some institutions. This practice is now rarely, if ever seen.

Contents

[hide]



* 1 Background

o 1.1 Previous attempts at union

o 1.2 The English perspective

o 1.3 The Scottish perspective

o 1.4 The Irish perspective

* 2 Provisions of the Acts

* 3 Criticisms

* 4 A new Scottish Parliament

* 5 300th anniversary

* 6 Notes

* 7 References

* 8 See also

* 9 External links



[edit] Background



[edit] Previous attempts at union



The first attempt to unite England and Scotland was by King James VI and I. On his accession to the English throne in 1603 King James announced his intention to unite his two realms so that he would not be "guilty of bigamy". The Scottish and English parliaments established a commission to negotiate a union but ultimately abandoned the attempt.



Later in the seventeenth century the Estates of Scotland petitioned a number of times for a union but were rejected by England.



The Solemn League and Covenant sought a forced union of the Church of England into the Church of Scotland, and although the covenant referred repeatedly to union between the three kingdoms, a political union was not spelled out. In the aftermath of the Civil War, in which the Covenanters had fought for the King, Oliver Cromwell conquered Scotland and by force created the Commonwealth of England, Scotland and Ireland, a brief union which was dissolved by the restoration of King Charles II. Scottish members expelled from Parliament petitioned unsuccessfully for a continuance of the union.



At the Glorious Revolution in 1689, the records of the Scottish Parliament show much discussion of possible union. Nothing was done. Thereafter relations between the English and the Scots deteriorated, largely perhaps through the English stranglehold on Scottish trade and ultimately because of the failure of the Darien Scheme and the popular perception in Scotland that the scheme's failure was the fault of the English.



[edit] The English perspective



The English purpose was to ensure that Scotland would not choose a different monarch from England. The two countries had shared a king for much of the previous century, but the English were concerned that an independent Scotland with a different king, even if he were a Protestant, might make alliances against England. Specifically, England wished to ensure a Protestant Royal Succession. Until the Union of Parliaments, the Scots could choose their monarch in line with the Scottish Act of Security 1704, and it was quite possible for them to choose a Catholic monarch. The English succession was provided for by the English Act of Settlement 1701, which ensured that the King of England would be Protestant.



[edit] The Scottish perspective



In Scotland, it was claimed that union would enable Scotland to recover from the financial disaster wrought by the Darien scheme through English assistance and the lifting of measures put in place through the Alien Act to force the Scottish Parliament into compliance with the Act of Settlement.



The ultimate securing of the treaty in the unicameral Scottish Parliament is sometimes attributed to the weakness and lack of cohesion between the various opposition groups in the House, rather than to the strength of pro-incorporationists[citation needed]. The combined votes of the Court party with a majority of the Squadrone Volante were sufficient to ensure the final passage of the treaty through the House.



Personal financial interests were also involved. Many Commissioners had invested heavily in the Darien Scheme and they believed that they would receive compensation for their losses; Article 14, the Equivalent granted £398,085 10s sterling to Scotland to offset future liability towards the English national debt. In essence, it was also used as a means of compensation for investors in the Darien Scheme.



Even more direct bribery was said to be a factor. £20,000 (£240,000 Scots) was dispatched to Scotland for distribution by the Earl of Glasgow. James Douglas, 2nd Duke of Queensberry, the Queen's Commissioner in Parliament, received £12,325, the majority of the funding. (Other studies suggest that all of this money was properly accounted for as compensation for loss of office, pensions and so forth not outwith the usual run of government. It is perhaps a debate that will never be set to rest.) Robert Burns referred to this:



We were bought and sold for English Gold,

Sic a Parcel of Rogues in a Nation.



Some of the money was used to hire spies, such as Daniel Defoe; his first reports were of vivid descriptions of violent demonstrations against the Union. "A Scots rabble is the worst of its kind," he reported, "for every Scot in favour there is 99 against". Years later John Clerk of Penicuik, originally a leading Unionist, wrote in his memoirs that,



(Defoe) was a spy among us, but not known as such, otherwise the Mob of Edinburgh would pull him to pieces.



Defoe recalls that he was hired by Robert Harley.



The Treaty was not universally popular in Scotland. Many petitions were sent to the Scottish Parliament against Union, and there were massive protests in Edinburgh and several other Scottish burghs on the day it was passed[citation needed], as threats of widespread civil unrest resulted in the imposition of martial law by the Parliament. Sir George Lockhart of Carnwath, a Jacobite and the only member of the Scottish negotiating team who was not pro-incorporation, noted that `The whole nation appears against the Union'. Sir John Clerk of Penicuik, an ardent pro-unionist and Union negotiator, observed that the treaty was `contrary to the inclinations of at least three-fourths of the Kingdom'.



Public opinion against the Treaty as it passed through the Scottish Parliament was voiced through petitions from Scottish localities. Anti-union petitions were received from shires, burghs, presbyteries and parishes. The Convention of Royal Burghs also petitioned against the Union and not one petition in favour of an incorporating union was received by Parliament. On the day the treaty was signed, the carilloner in St Giles Cathedral, Edinburgh, rang the bells in the tune Why should I be so sad on my wedding day?[1]



[edit] The Irish perspective



Ireland, the third of the "sister kingdoms" was not included in the union. It remained a separate kingdom and indeed was legally subordinate to Great Britain until 1784. Ironically, it was in part of Ireland that the first "British nation" can have been said to have been forged, in the mixing of Scottish and English Protestant settlers who peopled Ulster.



Ireland's benefits from the Union of 1707 were few. Its preferential status in trade with England now extended to Scotland. The strengthening of Great Britain improved Ireland's defence against enemies, whether foreign or domestic. Nevertheless, Ireland was left unequal and unrepresented in the Parliament of Great Britain.



In July 1707 each House of the Parliament of Ireland passed a congratulatory address to Queen Anne, praying that "May God put it in your royal heart to add greater strength and lustre to your crown, by a still more comprehensive Union"[2]. The British government did not respond to the invitation and an equal union between Great Britain and Ireland was out of consideration until the 1790's. The union with Ireland finally came about on 1 January 1801.



[edit] Provisions of the Acts



The treaty consisted of 25 articles, 15 of which were economic in nature. In Scotland, each article was voted on separately and several clauses in articles were delegated to specialised subcommittees. Article 1 of the treaty was based on the political principle of an incorporating union and this was secured by a majority of 116 votes to 83 on 4 November 1706. In order to minimise the opposition of the Church of Scotland, an Act was also passed to secure the Presbyterian establishment of the Church, after which the Church stopped its open opposition, although hostility remained at lower levels of the clergy. The treaty as a whole was finally ratified on 16 January 1707 by a majority of 110 votes to 69.[3]



The two Acts incorporated provisions for Scotland to send representative peers from the Peerage of Scotland to sit in the House of Lords. It guaranteed that the Church of Scotland would remain the established church in Scotland, that the Court of Session would "remain in all time coming within Scotland", and that Scots law would "remain in the same force as before". Other provisions included the restatement of the Act of Settlement 1701 and the ban on Roman Catholics from taking the throne. It also created a customs union and monetary union.



The Act provided that any "laws and statutes" that were "contrary to or inconsistent with the terms" of the Act would "cease and become void."



Soon after the Union, the Act 6 Anne c.11 (later infelicitously named "The Union with Scotland (Amendment) Act 1707") united the English and Scottish Privy Councils and decentralised Scottish administration by appointing justices of the peace in each shire to carry out administration. In effect it took the day to day government of Scotland out of the hands of politicians and into those of the College of Justice.



[edit]

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Charles Edward Stewart

SCOTLAND

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Charles Edward Stuart (31 December 1720 – 31 January 1788) was the exiled Jacobite claimant to the thrones of England, Scotland, and Ireland. He is most commonly known in English and Scots as Bonnie Prince Charlie. In Scots Gaelic, his name was Teàrlach Eideard Stiùbhairt.



Charles was the son of James Francis Edward Stuart who was in turn the son of James II and VII, who had been deposed in the Revolution of 1688. The Jacobite movement tried to restore the family to the throne. Charles' mother was James' Polish wife, Maria Clementina Sobieska (1702–1735, granddaughter of the Polish King, John III Sobieski). After his father's death Charles was recognised as Charles III by his supporters; his opponents referred to him as The Young Pretender.

Contents

[hide]



* 1 Early life

* 2 The 'Forty-Five'

* 3 Exile

* 4 Ancestors

* 5 See also

* 6 References

* 7 Bibliography

* 8 External links



[edit] Early life



Charles was born in Rome, Italy, where his father had been given a residence by Pope Clement XI. He spent almost all of his childhood in Rome and Bologna. In 1734 he participated in the French and Spanish siege of Gaeta; this was his first exposure to a military battle.



[edit] The 'Forty-Five'



Main article: The 'Forty-Five'



In December 1743, Charles' father named him Prince Regent, giving him full authority to act in his name. Eighteen months later he led a rising to restore his father to his thrones. Charles raised funds to fit out two ships; the Elisabeth, an old man-of-war of sixty-six guns and a small frigate of sixteen guns named the Doutelle (le Du Teillay) which successfully landed him with seven companions at Eriskay on July 23, 1745. Charles had hoped for support from a French fleet, but this was badly damaged by storms, and he was left to raise an army in Scotland.

Bonnie Prince Charlie Statue in Derby commemorating the prince's visit in December 1745.

Bonnie Prince Charlie Statue in Derby commemorating the prince's visit in December 1745.



The Jacobite cause was still supported by many Highland clans, both Catholic and Protestant, and the Catholic Charles hoped for a warm welcome from these clans to start an insurgency by Jacobites throughout Britain, but there was no immediate response. Charles raised his father's standard at Glenfinnan and there raised a large enough force to enable him to march on the city of Edinburgh, which quickly surrendered. On 21 September 1745 he defeated the only government army in Scotland at the Battle of Prestonpans, and by November was marching south at the head of around 6,000 men. Having taken Carlisle, Charles' army progressed as far as Derby. Here, despite the objections of the Prince, the decision was taken by his council to return to Scotland, largely because of the almost complete lack of the support from English Jacobites that Charles had promised. By now he was pursued by the King George II's son, the Duke of Cumberland, who caught up with him at the Battle of Culloden on 16 April 1746.



Ignoring the advice of his best commander, Lord George Murray, Charles chose to fight on flat, open, marshy ground where his forces would be exposed to superior British firepower. Charles commanded his army from a position behind his lines, where he could not see what was happening. Hoping that Cumberland's army would attack first, he had his men stand exposed to Hanoverian artillery for twenty minutes before finally ordering an attack. The Jacobite attack, charging into the teeth of murderous musket fire and grapeshot fired from the cannons, was uncoordinated and met little success. Only in one place did a group of Jacobites break through the bayonets of the redcoats, but they were shot down by a second line of soldiers, and the survivors fled. Cumberland's troops committed numerous atrocities as they hunted for the defeated Jacobite soldiers, earning him the title "the Butcher" from the Highlanders. Murray managed to lead a group of Jacobites to Ruthven, intending to continue the fight. However Charles, believing himself betrayed, had decided to abandon the Jacobite cause.



Bonnie Prince Charlie's subsequent flight has become the stuff of legend, and is commemorated in the popular folk song "The Skye Boat Song" (lyrics 1884, tune traditional) and also the old Irish song Bímse Buan ar Buairt Gach Ló by Seán Clárach. Assisted by loyal supporters such as Flora MacDonald who helped him escape pursuers on the Isle of Skye by taking him in a small boat disguised as her Irish maid, "Betty Burke",[2][3] he evaded capture and left the country aboard the French frigate L'Heureux, arriving back in France in September. The cause of the Stuarts being lost, the remainder of his life was — with a brief exception — spent in exile.



[edit] Exile



Whilst back in France, Charles had numerous affairs; the one with his cousin Louise de Montbazon resulted in a short-lived son Charles (1748–49). He lived for several years in exile with his Scottish mistress, or common-law wife, Clementina Walkinshaw, whom he met, and may have begun a relationship with, whilst on the '45 campaign. In 1753 the couple had a daughter, Charlotte. Charles's inability to cope with the collapse of the cause led to his heavy drinking and mother and daughter left Charles with James' connivance. Charlotte went on to have three illegitimate children with Ferdinand, an ecclesiastical member of the de Rohan family.



After his defeat, Charles indicated to the remaining supporters of the Jacobite cause in England that, accepting the impossibility of his recovering the English and Scots crowns while he remained a Roman Catholic, he was willing to commit himself to reigning as a Protestant[citation needed]. Accordingly he visited London incognito in 1750 and conformed to the Protestant faith by receiving Anglican communion at the Church of St Mary-le-Strand; a noted centre of Anglican Jacobitism. On Charles's return to France he reverted to Catholic observance.



In 1766 Charles' father died. Until his death James had been recognised as King of England, Scotland, and Ireland by the Pope, as "James III and VIII". But Clement XIII decided not to give the same recognition to Charles.



In 1772 Charles married Princess Louise of Stolberg-Gedern. They lived first at Rome, but in 1774 moved to Florence where Charles first began to use the title "Count of Albany" as an alias. This title is frequently used for him in European publications; his wife Louise is almost always called "Countess of Albany". In 1780 Louise left Charles. Her claim that Charles had physically abused her is probably accurate, as she had also previously started an adulterous relationship with the Italian poet, Count Vittorio Alfieri. The claims by two nineteenth century charlatans, Charles and John Allen alias John Sobieski Stuart and Charles Edward Stuart, that their father Thomas Allen was a legitimate son of Charles and Louise are without foundation.



In 1783 Charles signed an act of legitimation for his illegitimate daughter Charlotte, his child born in 1753 to Clementina Walkinshaw (later known as Countess von Alberstrof). Charles also gave Charlotte the title "Duchess of Albany" in the peerage of Scotland and the style "Her Royal Highness". But these honours did not give Charlotte any right to the succession to the throne. Charlotte lived with her father at Florence and Rome for the next five years.



Charles died in Rome on 31 January 1788. He was first buried in the Cathedral of Frascati, where his brother Henry Benedict Stuart was bishop. At Henry's death in 1807, Charles's remains were moved to the crypt of Saint Peter's Basilica in the Vatican where they were laid to rest next to those of his brother and father. When the body of Charles Stuart was transferred to the Saint Peter's Basilica, his "praecordia" were left in Frascati Cathedral: a small urn encloses the heart of Charles, placed beneath the floor below the funerary monument.

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Disarming Act 1746

SCOTLAND

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This Act received the Royal Assent on August 12, 1746. Its administration was entrusted to Lieut-General Humphry Bland, Commander of the Forces in North Britain. His execution of this duty is the subject of an interesting paper by Mr A. I-I. Millar in the Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, March 9, 1896. In 1747 the Heritable Jurisdictions Act was passed, which broke up the feudal power of the great landowners. Some amazing instances of feudal tyranny in the Highlands in the first half of the eighteenth century are noted in Captain Burt’s Letters from the North of Scotland, vol. ii., p. 246 et seq. (Ed. 1876.)



An Act for the more effectual disarming the Highlands in Scotland and for more effectually securing the Peace of the said Highlands; and for restraining the Use of the Highland Dress, and for further indemnifying such Persons as have ac/ed in defence of his Majesty’s Person and Government, during the unnatural Rebellion; and for indemnifying the Judges and other Officers of the Court of Justiciary in Scotland, for not performing the Northern Circuit in May, One thousand seven hundred and forty six; and for obliging the Masters and Teachers of Private Schools in Scotland, and Chaplains, Tutors and Governors of Children or Youth, to take the Oaths to His Majesty, His Heirs, or Successors, and to register the same.



WHEREAS by an Act made in the First Year of the Reign of His late Majesty King George the First, of Glorious Memory, intituled, An Act for the more effectual securing the Peace of the Highlands in Scotland, it was enacted, That from and after the First Day of November, which was in the Year of our Lord One thousand seven hundred and sixteen, it should not be lawful for any Person or Persons (except such Persons as are therein mentioned and described) within the Shire of Dunbartain, on the North Side of the Water of Leven, Stirling on the North Side of the River of Forth, Perth, Kincardin, Aberdeen, Inverness, Nairn, Cromarty, Argyle, Forfar, Bamff, Sutherland, Caithness, Elgine, and Ross, to have in his or their Custody, Use, or Bear, Broad Sword or Target, Poignard, Whinger, or Durk, Side Pistol, Gun, or other warlike Weapon, otherwise than in the said Act was directed, under certain Penalties appointed by the said Act; which Act having by Experience been found not sufficient to attain the Ends therein proposed, was further enforced by an Act made in the Eleventh Year of the Reign of his late Majesty, intituled, An Act for more effectual disarming the Highlands in that Part of Great Britain called Scotland; and for the better securing the Peace and Quiet of that Part of the Kingdom: And whereas the said Act of the Eleventh Year of His late Majesty being, so far as it related to the disarming the Highlands, to continue in Force only during the Term of Seven Years, and from thence to the End of the next Session of Parliament, is now expired: And whereas many Persons within the said Bounds and Shires still continue possessed of great Quantities of Arms, and there, with a great Number of such Persons, have lately raised and carried on a most audacious and wicked Rebellion against His Majesty, in favour of a Popish Pretender, and in Prosecution thereof did, in a traiterous and hostile Manner, march into the Southern Parts of this Kingdom, took Possession of Several Towns, raised Contributions upon the Country, and committed many other Disorders, to the Terror and great Loss of His Majesty’s faithful Subjects, until, by the Blessing of God on His Majesty’s Arms, they were subdued Now, for preventing Rebellion, and traiterous Attempts in Time to come, and the other Mischiefs arising from the Possession or Use of Arms, by lawless, wicked, and disaffected Persons inhabiting within the said several Shires and Bounds; be it enacted by the King’s most Excellent Majesty, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the Authority of the same, That from and after the First Day of August, One thousand seven hundred and forty six, it shall be lawful for the respective Lords Lieutenants of the several Shires above recited, and for such other Person or Persons as His Majesty, His Heirs, or Successors shall, by His or Their Sign Manual, from time to time, think fit, to authorise and appoint in that Behalf, to issue or cause to be issued out, Letters of Summons in His Majesty’s Name, and under his or their respective Hands and Seals, directed to such Persons within the said several Shires and Bounds, as he or they, from time to time, shall think fit, thereby commanding and requiring all and every Person and Persons therein named, or inhabiting within the particular Limits therein described, to bring in and deliver up, at a certain Day, in such Summons to be prefixed, and at a certain Place therein to be mentioned, all and singular his and their Arms and warlike Weapons, unto such Lord Lieutenant, or other Person or Persons appointed by His Majesty, His Heirs, or Successors, in that Behalf, as aforesaid, for the Use of His Majesty, His Heirs, or Successors, and to be disposed of in such Manner as His Majesty, His Heirs, or Successors shall appoint ; and if any Person or Persons, in such Summons mentioned by Name, or inhabiting within the Limits therein described, shall, by the Oaths of One or more credible Witness or Witnesses, be convicted of having or bearing any Arms, or warlike Weapons, after the Day prefixed in such Summons, before any One or more of His Majesty’s Justices of the Peace for the Shire or Stewartry where such Offender or Offenders shall reside, or be apprehended, or before the Judge Ordinary, or such other Person or Persons as His Majesty, His Heirs, or Successors shall appoint, in Manner herein after directed, every such Person or Persons so convicted shall forfeit the Sum of Fifteen Pounds Sterling, and shall be committed to Prison until payment of the said Sum; and if any Person or Persons, convicted as aforesaid, shall refuse or neglect to make Payment of the foresaid Sum of Fifteen Pounds Sterling, within the Space of One Calendar Month from the Date of such Conviction, it shall and may be lawful to any one or more of His Majesty’s Justices of the Peace, or to the Judge Ordinary of the Place where such Offender or Offenders is or are imprisoned, in case he or they shall judge such Offender or Offenders fit to serve His Majesty as a Soldier or Soldiers, to cause him or them to be delivered over (as they are hereby impowered and required to do) to such Officer or Officers belonging to the Forces, of His Majesty, His Heirs, or Successors, who shall be appointed from time to time to receive such Men, to serve as Soldiers in any of his Majesty’s Forces in America ; for which Purpose the respective Officers, who shall receive such Men, shall then cause the Articles of War against Mutiny and Desertion to be read to him or them in the Presence of such Justices of the Peace, or Judge Ordinary, who shall so deliver over such Men, who shall cause an Entry or Memorial thereof to be made, together with the Names of the Persons so delivered over, with a Certificate thereof in Writing, under his or their Hands, to be delivered to the Officers appointed to receive such Men; and from and after reading of the said Articles of War, every Person so delivered over to such Officer, to serve as a Soldier as aforesaid, shall be deemed a listed Soldier to all Intents and Purposes, and shall be subject to the Discipline of War ; and in case of Desertion, shall be punished as a Deserter; and in case such Offender or Offenders shall not be judged fit to serve his Majesty as aforesaid, then he or they shall be imprisoned for the space of Six Calendar Months, and also until he or they shall give sufficient Security for his or their good Behaviour for the Space of Two Years from the giving thereof.



II. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That all Persons summoned to deliver up their Arms as aforesaid, who shall, from and after the Time in such Summons prefixed, hide or conceal any Arms, or other warlike Weapons, in any Dwelling-house, Barn, Out-house, Office, or any other House, or in the Fields, or any other Place whatsoever ; and all Persons who shall be accessary or privy to the hiding or concealing of such Arms, and shall be thereof convicted by the Oaths of One or more credible Witness or Witnesses, before any One or more of His Majesty’s Justices of the Peace, Judge Ordinary, or other Person or Persons authorized by His Majesty in Manner above mentioned shall be liable to be fined by the said Justices of the Peace, Judge Ordinary, or other Person authorised by His Majesty, before whom he or they shall be convicted according to their Discretion, in any Sum not exceeding One hundred Pounds Sterling, nor under the Sum of fifteen Pounds Sterling, of lawful Money of Great Britain, and shall be committed to Prison until Payment; and if the Person so convicted, being a Man, shall refuse or neglect to pay the Fine so imposed, within the Space of One Calendar Month from the Date of the said Conviction, he shall, in case he be judged by any One or more Justice or Justices of the Peace, or the Judge Ordinary of the Place where such Offender is imprisoned, fit to serve His Majesty as a Soldier, be delivered over to serve as a Soldier in His Majesty’s Forces in America, in the Manner before directed, with respect to Persons convicted of having or bearing of Arms; and in case such Offender shall not be judged fit to serve His Majesty as aforesaid, then he shall be imprisoned for the ~Space of Six Calendar Months, and also until he shall give sufficient Security for his good Behaviour, for the Space of Two Years from the giving thereof;• and if the Person convicted shall be a Woman, she shall, over and above the foresaid Fine, and Imprisonment till payment, suffer Imprisonment for the Space of Six Calendar Months, within the To/boot/i of the Head Burgh of the Shire or Stewartry within which she is convicted.



III. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That if, after the Day appointed by any Summons for the delivering up of Arms in pursuance of this Act, any Arms or warlike Weapons, shall be found hidden or concealed in any Dwelling-house, Barn, Out-house, Office, or any other House whatsoever, being the Residence or Habitation of or belonging to any of the Persons summoned to deliver up Arms as aforesaid, the Tenant or Possessor of such I )welling-house, or. of the Dwelling-house to which such Barn, Office, or Out-house belongs, being thereof convicted in Manner above mentioned, shall be deemed and taken to be the Haver and Concealer of such Arms, and being thereof convicted in Manner above mentioned, shall suffer the Penalties hereby above enacted against Concealers of Arms, unless such Tenant or Possessor, in whose House, Barn, Out-house, Office, or other House by them possessed, such Arms shall be found concealed, do give Evidence, by his or her making Oath, or otherwise to the Satisfaction of the said Justices of the Peace, Judge Ordinary, or other Person authorized by His Majesty, before whom he or she shall be tried, that such Arms were so concealed and hid without his or her Knowledge, Privity, or Connivance.



IV. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That if any Person who shall have been convicted of any of the above Offences, of bearing, hiding, or concealing Arms, contrary to the Provisions in this Act, shall thereafter presume to commit the like Offence a second Time, that he or she being thereof convicted before any Court of Justiciary, or at the Circuit Courts, shall be liable to be transported to any of His Majesty’s Plantations beyond the Seas, there to remain for the Space of Seven Years.



V. And for the more effectual Execution of this present Act, be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That it shall be lawful to His Majesty, His Heirs, or Successors, by His or Their Sign Manual, from time to time, to authorize and appoint such Persons as he or they shall think proper, to execute all the Powers and Authorities by this Act given to One or more Justice or Justices of the Peace, or to the Judge Ordinary, within their respective Jurisdictions, as to the apprehending, trying, and convicting such Person or Persons who shall be summoned to deliver up their Arms, in pursuance of this Act.



VI. And to the end that every Person or Persons named or concerned in such Summons, may have due Notice thereof, and to prevent all Questions concerning the Legality of such Notice, it is hereby further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That such Summons, notwithstanding the Generality thereof, be deemed sufficient, if it express the Person or Persons that are commanded to deliver up their Weapons, or the Parishes, or the Lands, Limits, and Boundings of the respective Territories and Places, whereof the Inhabitants are to be disarmed as aforesaid; and that it shall be a sufficient and legal Execution or Notice of the said Summons, if it is affixed on the Door of the Parish Church or Parish Churches of the several Parishes within which the Lands (the Inhabitants whereof are to be disarmed) do lie on any Sunday, between the Hours of Ten in the Forenoon, and Two in the Afternoon, Four Days at least before the Day prefixed for the delivering up of the Arms, and on the Market Cross of the Head Burgh of the Shire or Stewartry within which the said Lands lie, Eight Days before the Day appointed for the said Delivery of the Arms; and in case the Person or Persons employed to affix the said Summons on the Doors of the several Parish Churches, or any of them, shall be interrupted, prevented, or forcibly hindered, from affixing the said Summons on the Doors of the said Churches, or any of them, upon Oath thereof made before any of His Majesty’s Justices of the Peace, the Summons affixed on the Market Cross of the said Head Burgh of the Shire or Stewartry as aforesaid, shall be deemed and taken to be a sufficient Notice to all the Persons commanded thereby to deliver up their Arms, within the true Intent and Meaning, and for the Purposes of this Act.



VII. And to the end that there may lie sufficient Evidence of the Execution, or Notice given of the Summons for disarming the several Persons and Districts, as aforesaid, be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That upon the elapsing of the said several Days to be prefixed for the delivering up Arms, the Person or Persons employed to fix the Summons, as above mentioned, on the Market Cross of the Head Burghs of any Shire or Stewartry, shall, before any One of His Majesty’s Justices of the Peace, for the said Shire or Stewartry, make Oath, that he or they did truly execute and give Notice of the same by affixing it as aforesaid; and the Person or Persons employed to affix the said Summons on the Doors of the Parish Church or Parish Churches, shall make Oath in the same Manner, and to the same Effect, or otherwise shall swear that he or they were interrupted, prevented, or forcibly hindered from affixing the said Summons as aforesaid; which Oaths, together with Copies or Duplicates of the Summons, to which they severally relate, shall be delivered to the Sheriff or Steward Clerk of the several Shires or Stewartries, within which the Persons intended to be disarmed do live or reside, who shall enter the same in Books, which he and they is and are hereby required to keep for that Purpose; and the said Books in which the Entries are so made, or Extracts out of the same, under the Hand of the Sheriff or Steward Clerk, shall be deemed and taken to be full and complete Evidence of the Execution of the Summons, in order to the Conviction of the Persons who shall neglect or refuse to comply with the same.



VIII. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That if any such Sheriff or Steward Clerk neglect or refuse to make such Entry as is above mentioned, or shall refuse to exhibit the Books containing such Entries, or to give Extracts of the same, being thereto required by any Person or Persons who shall carry on any Prosecutions, in pursuance of this Act, the Clerk so neglecting or refusing shall forfeit his Office, and shall likewise be fined in the Sum of’ Fifty Pounds Sterling; to be recovered upon a summary Complaint before the Court of Session, for the Use of His Majesty, His Heirs, or Successors.



IX. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That it shall and may be lawful to and for the Lord Lieutenant of any of the Shires aforesaid, or the Person or Persons authorized by His Majesty, His Heirs, or Successors, as aforesaid, to summon the Person or Persons aforesaid to deliver up his or their Arms, in manner above mentioned, or to and for any One Justice of the Peace of the respective Shires above mentioned, or to the Judge Ordinary within their respective Jurisdictions, or to such Person or Persons as shall be authorized by His Majesty, His Heirs, or Successors, for trying Offences against this Act, to authorize and appoint such Person or Persons as they shall think fit, to apprehend all such Person or Persons as may be found within the Limits foresaid, having or wearing any Arms, or warlike Weapons, contrary to Law, and forthwith to carry him or them to some sure Prison, in order to their being proceeded against according to Law.



X. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That it shall and may be lawful to and for His Majesty, His Heirs, and Successors, by Warrant under His or Their Royal Sign Manual, and also to and for the Lord Lieutenant of any of the Shires aforesaid, or the Person or Persons authorized by His Majesty, to summon the Person or Persons aforesaid to deliver up their Arms, or any One or more Justices of the Peace, by Warrant under his or their Hands, to authorize and appoint any Person or Persons to enter into any House or Houses, within the Limits aforesaid, either by Day or by Night, and there to search for and to seize all such Arms as shall be found contrary to the Direction of this Act.



XI. Provided, That if the above mentioned Search shall be made in the Night-Time, that is to say, between Sun setting and Sun rising, it shall be made in the Presence of a Constable, or of some Person particularly to be named for that Purpose in the Warrant for such Search; and if any Persons, to the Number of Five or more, shall at any time assemble together to obstruct the Execution of any Part of this Act, it shall and may be lawful to and for every Lord Lieutenant. Deputy Lieutenant, or Justice of the Peace where such Assembly shall be; and also to and for every Peace Officer within any such Shire, Stewartry, City, Burgh, or Place where such Assembly shall be; and likewise to and for all and every such other Person or Persons, as by His Majesty, His Heirs, or Successors, shall be authorized and appointed in that Behalf as aforesaid, to require the Aid and Assistance of the forces of His Majesty, His Heirs, or Successors, by applying to the Officer commanding the said Forces (who is hereby authorized, impowered, and commanded to give such Aid and Assistance accordingly) to suppress such unlawful Assembly, in order to the putting this Act in due Execution; and also to seize, apprehend, and disarm, and they are hereby required to seize, apprehend, and disarm such Persons so assembled together, and forthwith to carry the Persons so apprehended before One or more of His Majesty’s Justices of the Peace of the Shire or Place where such Persons shall be so apprehended, in order to their being proceeded against, for such their Offences, according to Law; and if the persons so unlawfully assembled, or any of them, or any other Person or Persons summoned to deliver up his or their Arms in pursuance of this Act, shall happen to be killed, maimed or wounded in the dispersing, seizing, and apprehending, or in the endeavouring to disperse, seize, or apprehend, by reason of their resisting the Persons endeavouring to disperse, seize, and apprehend them; then all and every such Lord Lieutenant, Deputy Lieutenant, Justice or Justices of the Peace, or any Peace Officer or Officers, and all and every Person or Persons, authorized and appointed by His Majesty, His Heirs, or Successors, in that Behalf, as aforesaid, and all Persons aiding and assisting to him, them, or any of them, shall be freed, discharged, and indemnified, as well against the King’s Majesty, His Heirs, and Successors, as against all and every other person and persons of, for, or concerning the killing, maiming, or wounding any such Person or Persons so unlawfully assembled, that shall be so killed, maimed, or wounded as aforesaid.



XII. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That if any Action, Civil or Criminal, shall be brought before any Court whatsoever, against any Person or Persons for what he or they shall lawfully do in pursuance or Execution of this Act, such Court shall allow the Defendant the Benefit of the Discharge and Indemnity above provided, and shall further decern the Pursuer to pay to the Defender the full and real Expences that he shall be put to by such Action or Prosecution.



XIII. Provided nevertheless, and be it enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That no Peers of this Realm, nor their Sons, nor any Members of Parliament, nor any Person or Persons, who, by the Act above recited of the First Year of His late Majesty, were allowed to have or carry Arms, shall by virtue of this Act be liable to be summoned to deliver up their Arms, or warlike Weapons ; nor shall this Act, or the above recited Act, be construed to extend to exclude or hinder any Person, whom his Majesty, His Heirs, or Successors, by Licence under His or Their Sign Manual, shall permit to wear Arms, or who shall be licenced to wear Arms, by any Writing or Writings under the Hand and Seal, or Hands and Seals of any Person or Persons authorized by His Majesty, His Heirs, or Successors, or give such Licence from keeping, bearing, or wearing such Arms, and warlike Weapons, as in such Licence or Licences shall for that Purpose be particularly specified.



XIV. And to the end that no Persons may be discouraged from delivering up their Arms, from the Apprehension of the Penalties and Forfeitures which they may have incurred, through their neglecting to comply with the Directions of the said Act of the First Year of His late Majesty’s Reign, be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That from and after the Time of affixing any such Summons as aforesaid, no Person or Persons residing within the Bounds therein mentioned, shall be sued or prosecuted for his or their having, or having had, bearing, or having borne Arms, at any Time before the several Days to be prefixed or limited by Summons as aforesaid, for the respective Persons and Districts to deliver up their Arms ; but if any Person or Persons shall refuse or neglect to deliver up their Arms in Obedience to such Summons as aforesaid, or shall afterwards be found in Arms, he and they shall be liable to the Penalties and Forfeitures of the Statute above recited, as well as to the Penalties of this present Act.



XV. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That One Moiety of the Penalties imposed by this Act with respect to which no other Provision is made, shall be to the Informer or Informers; and the Other Moiety shall be at the Disposal of the Justices of the Peace, Judge Ordinary, or other Person authorized by His Majesty as aforesaid, before whom such Conviction shall happen, provided the same be applied towards the Expence incurred in the Execution of this Act.



XVI. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That the above Provisions in this Act shall continue in Force for Seven Years, and from thence to the End of the next Session of Parliament, and no longer.



XVII. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, ‘I’hat from and after the First Day of August, One thousand seven hundred and forty seven, no Man or Boy, within that part of Great Britain called Scotland, other than such as shall be employed as Officers and Soldiers in His Majesty’s Forces, shall, on any Pretence whatsoever, wear or put on the Clothes commonly called Highland Clothes (that is to say) the Plaid, Philebeg, or little Kilt, Trowse, Shoulder Belts, or any Part whatsoever of what peculiarly belongs to the Highland Garb; and that no Tartan, or party-coloured Plaid or Stuff shall be used for Great Coats, or for Upper Coats; and if any such Person shall presume after the said First Day of August, to wear or put on the aforesaid Garments, or any Part of them, every such Person so offending, being convicted thereof by the Oath of One or more credible Witness or Witnesses before any Court of Justiciary, or any One or more Justices of the Peace for the Shire or Stewartry, or Judge Ordinary of the Place where such Offence shall be committed, shall suffer Imprisonment, without Bail, during the Space of Six Months, and no longer; and being convicted for a second Offence before a Court of Justiciary, or at the Circuits, shall be liable to be transported to any of His Majesty’s Plantations beyond the Seas, there to remain for the Space of Seven Years.



XVIII. And whereas by an Act made in this Session of Parliament, intituled, An Act to indemnify such Persons as have acted in Defence of His Majesty’s Person and Government, and for the Preservation of the publick Peace of this Kingdom during the Time of the present unnatural Rebellion, and Sheriffs and others who have suffered Escapes, occasioned thereby, from vexatious Suits and Prosecutions, it is enacted, That all personal Actions and Suits, Indictments, Informations, and all Molestations, Prosecutions, and Proceedings whatsoever, and Judgments thereupon, if any be, for or by reason of any Matter or Thing advised, commanded, appointed, or done during the Rebellion, until the Thirtieth Day of April, in the Year of our Lord One thousand seven hundred and forty six, in order to suppress the said unnatural Rebellion, or for the Preservation of the publick Peace, or for the Service of Safety to the Government, shall be discharged and made void: And whereas it is also reasonable, that Acts done for the publick Service, since the said Thirtieth Day of April, though not justifiable by the strict Forms of Law, should be justified by Act of Parliament; be it enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That all personal Actions and Suits, Indictments and Informations, which have been or shall be commenced or prosecuted, and all Molestations, Prosecutions, and Proceedings whatsoever, and Judgments thereupon, if any be, for or by reason of any Act, Matter, or Thing advised, commanded, appointed, or done before the Twenty fifth Day of July, in the Year of our Lord One thousand seven hundred and forty six, in order to suppress the said unnatural Rebellion, or for the Preservation of the publick Peace, or for the Safety or Service of the Government, shall be discharged and made void; and that every Person, by whom any such Act, Matter, of Thing shall have been so advised, commanded, appointed, or done for the Purposes aforesaid, or any of them, before the said Five and twentieth Day of July, shall be freed, acquitted, and indemnified, as well against the King’s Majesty, His Heirs, and Successors, as against all and every other Person and Persons ; and that if any Action or Suit hath been Or shall be commenced or prosecuted, within that Part of Great Britain called England, against any Person for any such Act, Matter, or Thing so advised, commanded, appointed, or done for the Purposes aforesaid, or any of them, before the said Twenty fifth Day of July, he or she may plead the General Issue, and give this Act and the special Matter in Evidence; and if the Plaintiff or Plaintiffs shall become nonsuit, or forbear further Prosecution, or suffer Discontinuance ; or if a Verdict pass against such Plaintiff or Plaintiffs, the Defendant or 1)efendants shall recover his, her, or their Double Costs, for which he, she, or they shall have the like Remedy, as in Cases where Costs by Law are given to Defendants; and if such Action or Suit hath been or shall be commenced or prosecuted in that Part of Great Britain called Scotland, the Court, before whom such Action or Suit hath been or shall be commenced or prosecuted, shall allow to the Defender the Benefit of the Discharge and Indemnity above provided, and shall further decern the Pursuer to pay to the Defender the full and real Expences that he or she shall be put to by such Action or Suit.



XIX. And whereas by an Act passed in the Sixth Year of Her late Majesty Queen Anne, intituled, An Act for rendering the Union of the Two Kingdoms more entire and complete; it is, among other Things, enacted, That Circuit Courts shall be holden in that Part of the United Kingdom called Scotland, in Manner, and at the Places mentioned in the said Act: And whereas by the late unnatural Rebellion, the Course of Justice in Scotland has been so interrupted, as rendered it impracticable to give up and transmit Presentments, in such due Time as Prosecutions might thereupon commence, before the Northern Circuit, to be holden in May this present Year, whereby there appeared a Necessity of superseding the said Circuit; be it therefore enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That the Judges of the Court of Justiciary, and all and every other Person and Persons therein concerned, are hereby indemnified for their not performing the said Circuit, as by the forecited Act they were obliged to do; any thing in the same Act, or in any other Law or Statute to the contrary notwithstanding.



XX. And whereas a Doubt hath arisen with respect to the Shire of Dunbartain, what Part thereof was intended to be disarmed by the First recited Act made in the First Year of His late Majesty King George, and intended to be carried into further ‘Execution by the present Act; be it enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That such Parts of the said Shire of Dunbartain as ly upon the East, West, and North Sides of Lochlomond, to the Northward of that Point where the Water of Leven runs from Lochlomond, are and were intended to be disarmed by the aforesaid Act and are comprehended and subject to the Directions of this Act.



XXI. And whereas it is of great Importance to prevent the rising Generation being educated in disaffected or rebellious Principles, and although sufficient Provision is already made by Law for the due Regulation of the Teachers in the Four Universities, and in the publick Schools authorized by Law in the Royal Burghs and Country Parishes in Scotland, it is further necessary, That all Persons who take upon them to officiate as Masters or Teachers in Private Schools, in that Part of Great Britain called Scotland, should give Evidence of their good Affection to His Majesty’s Person and Government; be it therefore enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That from and after the First Day of November, in the Year of our Lord One thousand seven hundred and forty six, it shall not be lawful for any Person in Scotland to keep a Private School for Teaching English, Latin, Greek, or any Pan of Literature, or to officiate as a Master or Teacher in such School, or any School for Literature, other than those in the Universities, or Established in the respective Royal Burghs by Publick Authority, or the Parochial Schools settled according to Law, or the Schools maintained by the Society in Scotland for propagating Christian Knowledge, or by the General Assemblies of the Church of Scotland, or Committees thereof, upon the Bounty granted by His Majesty, until the Situation and Description of such Private Schools be first entered and registered in a Book, which shall be provided and kept for that Purpose by the Clerks of the several Shires, Stewartries, and Burghs in Scotland, together with a Certificate from the proper Officer, of every such Master and Teacher having qualified himself, by taking the Oaths appointed by Law to be taken by Persons in Offices of publick Trust in Scotland; and every such Master and Teacher of a Private School shall be obliged, and is hereby required, as often as Prayers shall be said in such School, to pray, or cause to be prayed for, in express words, His Majesty, His Heirs, and Successors, by Name, and for all the Royal Family; and if any Person shall, from and after the said First Day of November, presume to enter upon, or exercise the Function or Office of a Master or Teacher of any such Private School as shall not have been registered in Manner herein directed, or without having first qualified himself, and caused the Certificate to be registered as above mentioned; or in case he shall neglect to pray for His Majesty by Name, and all the Royal Family, or to cause them to be prayed for as herein directed; or in case he shall resort to, or attend Divine Worship in any Episcopal Meeting-house not allowed by the Law, every Person so offending in any of the Premisses, being thereof lawfully convicted before any Two or more of the Justices of the Peace, or before any other Judge competent of the Place summarily, shall, for the first Offence, suffer Imprisonment for the Space of Six Months; and for the Second, or any subsequent Offence, being thereof lawfully convicted before the Court of Justiciary, or in any of the Circuit Courts, shall be adjudged to be transported, and accordingly shall be transported to some of his Majesty’s Plantations in America for Life; and in case any Person adjudged to be so transported shall return into, or be found in Great Britain, ‘then every such Person shall suffer Imprisonment for Life.



XXII. And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That if any Parent or Guardian shall put a Child or Children under his care to any Private School that shall not be registered according to the Directions of this Act, or whereof the principal Master or Teacher shall not have registered the Certificate of his having qualified himself as herein directed, every such Parent or Guardian so offending, and being thereof lawfully convicted before any Two or more Justices of Peace, or before any other Judge competent of the Place summarily, shall, for the First Offence be liable to suffer Imprisonment by the Space of Three Months; and for the Second, or any subsequent Offence, being thereof lawfully convicted before the Court of Justiciary, or in any of the Circuit Courts, shall suffer Imprisonment for the Space of Two Years from the Date of such Conviction.



XXIII. And whereas by an Act passed in the Parliament of Scotland, in the Year of our Lord One thousand six hundred and ninety three, all Chaplains in Families, and Governours and Teachers of Children and Youth, were obliged to take the Oaths of Allegiance and Assurance therein directed; and there may be some Doubt, whether by the Laws, as they stand at present, they are obliged to take the Oaths appointed to be taken by Persons in Offices of publick Trust in Scotland: Therefore be it enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That from and after the First Day of November, in the Year of our Lord One thousand seven hundred and forty six, no Person shall exercise the Employment, Function, or Service of a Chaplain, in any Family in that Part of Great Britain. called Scotland, or of a Governor, Tutor, or Teacher of any Child, Children, or Youth, residing in Scotland, or in Parts beyond the Seas, without first qualifying himself, by taking the Oaths, appointed by Law to be taken by Persons in Offices of publick Trust, and causing a Certificate of his having done so to be entered or registered in a Book to be kept for that Purpose by the Clerks of the Shires, Stewartries, or Burghs in Scotland, where such Persons shall reside; or in case of any such Governor, Tutor, or Teacher of any such Child, Children, or Youth, acting in Parts beyond the Seas, then in a Book to be kept for that Purpose by the Clerk of the Shire, Stewartry, or Burgh where the Parent or Guardian of such Child, Children, or Youth shall reside. And if any Person, from and after the said First Day of November, shall presume to exercise the Employment, Function, or Service of Chaplain, in any Family in Scotland, or of a Governor or Teacher of Children or Youth, as aforesaid, without having taken the said Oaths, and caused the Certificate of his having duly taken the same, to be registered, as is above directed; every Person so offending, being thereof lawfully convicted before any Two or more Justices of Peace, or before any other Judge Competent of the Place summarily, shall for the First Offence, suffer Imprisonment by the Space of Six Months; and for the Second, or any subsequent Offence, being thereof lawfully convicted before the Court of Justiciary, or in any of the Circuit Courts, shall be adjudged to be banished from Great Britain for the Space of Seven Years.



XXIV. Provided always, That it shall be lawful for every Chaplain, Schoolmaster, Governour, Tutor, or Teacher of Youth who is of the Communion of the Church of Scotland, instead of the Oath of Abjuration appointed by Law to be taken by Persons in Offices Civil or Military, to take the Oath directed to be taken by Preachers and Expectants in Divinity of the established Church of Scotland, by an Act passed in the Fifth Year of the Reign of King George, the First, intituled, An Act for making more effectual the Laws appointing the Oaths for Security of the Government to be taken by Ministers and Preachers in Churches and Meeting-houses in Scotland; and a Certificate of his having taken that Oath shall, to all Intents and Purposes, be as valid and effectual as the Certificate of his having taken the Oath of Abjuration above mentioned; and he shall be as much deemed to have qualified himself according to Law, as if he had taken the Abjuration appointed to be taken by Persons in Civil Offices.



XXV. And be it further enacted, That from and after the said First Day of November, no Person within Scotland shall keep or entertain any Person or Chaplain in any Family, or as Governor, Tutor, or Teacher of any Child, Children, or Youth, unless the certificate of such Person’s having taken the Oaths to His Majesty be duly registered in Manner above directed; and if any Person shall keep or entertain a Chaplain in his Family, or a Governor, Tutor, or Teacher of any Child, Children, or Youth under his Care, without the Certificate of such Chaplain, Governor, Tutor, or Teacher’s having respectively qualified himself, by taking the Oaths to His Majesty, being duly registered in Manner above mentioned, every such Person so offending, being thereof lawfully convicted before any Two or more of His Majesty’s Justices of Peace, or before any other Judge competent, shall, for the First Offence, suffer Imprisonment by the Space of Six Months; and for the Second, or any subsequent Offence, being thereof lawfully convicted before the Court of Justiciary, or in any of the Circuit Courts in Scotland, shall suffer Imprisonment by the Space of Two Years.



XXVI. And for the better preventing any Private Schools from being held or maintained, or any Chaplain in any Family, or any Governor, Tutor, or Teacher of any Children or Youth, from being employed or entertained contrary to the Directions of this Act, be it further enacted, That the Sheriffs of Shires, and Stewarts of Stewartries, and Magistrates of Burghs in Scotland, shall be obliged, and are hereby required, from time to time, to make diligent Enquiry within their respective Jurisdictions, concerning any Offences that shall be committed against this Act, and cause the same, being the First Offence, to be prosecuted before themselves; and in case of a Second, or subsequent Offence, to give Notice thereof, and of the Evidence for proving the same, to his Majesty’s Advocate for the Time being, who is hereby required to prosecute such Second or subsequent Offences before the Court of Justiciary, or at the Circuit Courts.

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Ulster Plantation (James VI/I)


IRLAND

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The Plantation of Ulster (Irish: Plandáil Uladh) was a planned process of colonisation which took place in the northern Irish province of Ulster during the early 17th century in the reign of James I of England.



English and Scottish Protestants were settled on land that had been confiscated from Catholic Irish landowners in the counties of Donegal, Coleraine1, Tyrone, Fermanagh, Armagh and Cavan, following the Flight of the Earls in 1607.



The Plantation of Ulster was the biggest and most successful of the Plantations of Ireland. Ulster was planted in this way to prevent further rebellion, having proved itself over the preceding century to be the most resistant of Ireland's provinces to English invasion.



Planning the plantation



Prior to its conquest in the Nine Years War of the 1590s, Ulster had been the most Gaelic part of Ireland, a province existing largely outside English control. An early attempt at plantation on the east coast of Ulster by Walter Devereux, 1st Earl of Essex, in the 1570s had failed (See Plantations of Ireland).



The Nine Years War ended in 1603 with the surrender of the O’Neill and O’Donnell lords to the English crown, following an extremely costly series of campaigns by the English in which they had to counter significant Spanish aid to the Irish. But the situation following the peace was far more propitious for colonisation schemes, and much of the legal groundwork was laid by Sir John Davies, then attorney general of Ireland.



The terms of surrender granted to the rebels in 1603 were generous, with the principal condition that lands formerly contested by feudal right and brehon law be held under English law. However, when Hugh O'Neill and other rebel aristocrats left Ireland in the Flight of the Earls in 1607 to seek Spanish help for a new rebellion, Lord Deputy Arthur Chichester seized their lands and prepared to colonise the province in a fairly modest plantation. This would have included large grants of land to native Irish lords who had sided with the English during the war — for example Niall Garve O'Donnell. However, the plan was interrupted by the rebellion in 1608 of Cahir O’Doherty of Donegal, a former ally of the English. The rebellion was put way down by Wingfield, and after O'Doherty's death his lands at Inishowen were granted out by the state, and eventually escheated to the Crown. It was this episode that prompted Chichester to expand his plans in an effort to expropriate the legal titles of all native landowners in the province.



The Plantation of Ulster was sold to James I - king of England, Scotland and Ireland, as a joint British venture to pacify and civilise Ulster. So at least half of the settlers would be Scots. Six counties were involved in the official plantation — Donegal, Coleraine, Tyrone, Fermanagh and Armagh.



The plan for the plantation was determined by two factors. One was the wish to make sure the settlement could not be destroyed by rebellion as the first Munster Plantation had been. This meant that, rather than settling the Planters in isolated pockets of land confiscated from convicted rebels, all of the land would be confiscated and then redistributed to create concentrations of British settlers around new towns and garrisons. What was more, the new landowners were explicitly banned from taking Irish tenants and had to import them from England and Scotland. The remaining Irish landowners were to be granted one quarter of the land in Ulster and the ordinary Irish population was intended to be relocated to live near garrisons and Protestant churches. Moreover, the Planters were also barred from selling their lands to any Irishman. They would also have to build defences against a possible rebellion or invasion. The settlement was to be completed within three years. In this way, it was hoped that a defensible new community composed entirely of loyal British subjects would be created.



The second major influence on the Plantation was the negotiation between various interest groups on the British side. The principal landowners were to be Undertakers, wealthy men from England and Scotland who undertook to import tenants from their own estates. They were granted around 3000 acres (12 km²) each, on condition that they settle a minimum of 48 adult males (including at least 20 families) who had to be English-speaking and Protestant. However, veterans of the Nine Years War (known as Servitors) led by Arthur Chichester successfully lobbied to be rewarded with land grants of their own. Since these former officers did not have enough private capital to fund the colonisation, their involvement was subsidised by the twelve great guilds, and livery companies from the City of London were coerced into investing in the project. The City of London guilds were also granted land on the west bank of the River Foyle to build their own city (Londonderry, near the older Derry) and lands in County Londonderry. The final major recipient of lands was the Protestant Church of Ireland, which was granted all the churches and lands previously owned by the Roman Catholic church. It was intended that clerics from England and the Pale would convert the native population to Protestantism.



[edit] Plantation in operation



The plantation was a mixed success. At around the time the Plantation of Ulster was planned, the Virginia Plantation at Jamestown in 1607 started. The London guilds planning to fund the Plantation of Ulster switched and backed the London Virginia Company instead. Many British Protestant settlers went to Virginia or New England in the New World rather than Ulster. By the 1630s, there were 20,000 adult male British settlers in Ulster, which meant that the total settler population could have been as high as 80,000. They formed local majorities of the population in the Finn and Foyle valleys (around modern Derry and east Donegal), in north Armagh and in east Tyrone. Moreover, there had also been substantial settlement on officially unplanted lands in south Antrim and north Down, sponsored by the Scottish landowner James Hamilton. What was more, the settler population grew rapidly, as just under half of the planters were women — a very high ratio compared to contemporary Spanish settlement in Latin America or English settlement in Virginia and New England.



Other aspects of the original plan proved unrealistic, however. Because of political uncertainty in Ireland and the risk of attack by the dispossessed Irish, the undertakers had difficulty attracting settlers (especially from England). They were forced to keep Irish tenants, destroying the original plan of segregation between settlers and natives. As a result, the Irish population was neither removed nor Anglicised. In practice, the settlers did not stay on bad land, but clustered around towns and the best land. This meant that, contrary to the terms of the plantation, many British landowners had to take Irish tenants. In 1609, Chichester had 1300 former Irish soldiers deported from Ulster to serve in the Swedish Army, but the province remained plagued with Irish bandits, known as "wood-kerne", who attacked vulnerable settlers.



The attempted conversion of the Irish to Protestantism had mixed effect, if only because the clerics imported were usually all English speakers, whereas the native population were usually monoglot Irish Gaelic speakers. However, ministers chosen to serve in the plantation were required to take a course in the Irish language before ordination, and nearly 10% of those who took up their preferments spoke it fluently2. Of those Catholics who did convert to Protestantism, many made their choice for social and political reasons3.



[edit] Wars of the Three Kingdoms and Ulster Plantation



Further information: Wars of the Three Kingdoms



In the 1640s, the Ulster Plantation was thrown into turmoil by civil wars that raged in Ireland, England, and Scotland. The wars saw Irish rebellion against the planters, twelve years of bloody war, and ultimately the re-conquest of the province by the English parliamentary New Model Army that confirmed English and Protestant dominance in the province.



After 1630, Scottish migration to Ireland waned for a decade. In the 1630s many Scots went home after King Charles I of England forced the Prayer Book of the Church of England on the Church of Ireland, thus compelling the Presbyterian Scots to change their form of worship. 'The Black Oath' was imposed on the Scots in Ulster in 1638, binding them on no account to take up arms against the King. This occurred against the background of the Bishops Wars in Scotland — a Presbyterian uprising against King Charles I. The King subsequently had an army, largely composed of Irish Catholics, raised and sent to Ulster in preparation to invade Scotland. This prompted the English and Scottish Parliaments to threaten to invade Ireland and subdue the Catholics there. This in turn caused Gaelic Irish gentry in Ulster, led by Phelim O'Neill and Rory O'More, to plan a rebellion aimed at taking over the administration in Ireland to pre-empt an anti-Catholic invasion.



On October 23rd, 1641, the native Gaelic Irish Catholics broke out in armed rebellion — the Irish Rebellion of 1641. The natives mobilised in the rebellion turned on the Planter population, massacring about 4000 settlers and expelling about 12,000 more. The initial leader of the rebellion, Phelim O'Neill, had actually been a beneficiary of the Plantation land grants, but most of his supporters' families had been dispossessed and were undoubtedly motivated by the desire to recover their ancestral lands. Many Planter survivors rushed to the seaports and went back to Scotland or England. This massacre and the reprisals which followed permanently soured the relationship between Planter and native communities.



In the summer of 1642, ten thousand Scottish Covenanter soldiers, including some Highlanders, arrived to quell the Irish rebellion. In revenge for the massacres of Protestants, the Scots committed many atrocities against the Catholic population. However, civil war in England and Scotland (the Wars of the Three Kingdoms) broke out before the rebellion could be put down. The Scottish army fought in Ireland until 1650 in the Irish Confederate Wars, and were based in Carrickfergus. Many stayed on in Ireland afterwards with the permission of the Cromwellian authorities. In the northwest of Ulster, the Planters around Derry and east Donegal organised the Lagan Army in self defence. The Protestant forces fought an inconclusive war with the Ulster Catholics led by Owen Roe O'Neill. All sides committed atrocities against civilians in this war, exacerbating the population displacement begun by the Plantation. In addition to fighting the Irish Catholics, the settlers fought each other in 1648-49 over the issues of the English Civil War, the Scottish Presbyterian army siding with the King and the Lagan Army siding with the English Parliament. The New Model Army, along with some of the Ulster Protestants under Charles Coote, defeated both the Scottish forces in Ulster and the Irish Catholics in 1649-50.



As a result, the English Parliamentarians or Cromwellians (after Oliver Cromwell) were generally hostile to Scottish Presbyterians after they re-conquered Ireland from the Catholic Confederates in 1649-53. The main beneficiaries of the postwar Cromwellian Plantation in Ulster were English Protestants like Sir Charles Coote, who had taken the Parliament's side over the King or the Scottish Covenanters in the Civil Wars. The Wars eliminated the last major Catholic landowners in Ulster.



[edit] Ulster Plantation and the Scottish border problem



Most of the Scottish planters came from southwest Scotland, but many also came from the unstable regions along the border with England, and it was thought that moving Borderers (see Border Reivers) to Ireland (particularly to County Fermanagh) would both solve the Border problem and tie down Ulster. This was of particular concern to James VI of Scotland when he became King of England, since he knew Scottish instability could jeopardise his chances of ruling both kingdoms effectively.



Another wave of Scottish immigration to Ireland took place in the 1690s, when tens of thousands of Scots fled a famine in the borders region of Scotland to come to Ulster. It was at this point that Scottish Presbyterians became the majority community in the province. These planters are often referred to as Ulster-Scots.



Despite the fact that Scottish Presbyterians strongly supported the Williamites in the Williamite war in Ireland in the 1690s, they were excluded from power in the postwar settlement by the Anglican Protestant Ascendancy.



As a result, the descendants of the Presbyterian planters played a major part in the 1798 rebellion against British rule. Not all of the Scottish planters were Lowlanders, however, and there is also evidence of Scots from the southwest Highlands settling in Ulster. Many of these would have been Gaelic speakers like the Irish, continuing a centuries-old exchange.



[edit] Legacy



Further information: The Troubles



Even four hundred years later, the Plantation of Ulster remains a controversial topic in Ireland, because it relates directly to The Troubles in Northern Ireland. The present-day partition of Ireland into the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland is largely as a result of the settlement patterns of the Plantations of the 17th century. The descendants of the British Protestant settlers largely favoured a continued link with Britain, whereas the descendants of the native Irish Catholics mostly wanted Irish independence. By 1922, Unionists were in the majority in four of the nine counties of Ulster, although only two of these counties were involved in the Ulster Plantation — the other two were the previous settlements in Antrim and Down. Consequently, following the Anglo-Irish settlement of 1921, these four counties — and two others in which they formed a sizeable minority — remained in the United Kingdom to form Northern Ireland. Northern Ireland is the only part of Ireland that is still part of the United Kingdom. Irish nationalists, most of whom are Catholic, identify with the native Irish who were displaced in the Plantation, while Unionists, most of whom are Protestant, identify with the planters. People with Gaelic Irish surnames are still usually Catholic, and those with Scots Gaelic or English surnames usually Protestant. Intermarriage has occurred across the sectarian divide: many Roman Catholics in Northern Ireland are actually descended from the Planters (for example, Gerry Adams, John Hume), and many Protestants from native Irish families (for example, Terence O'Neill, Ronnie Flanagan), as evidenced by their surnames — although of course the surname only denotes one paternal ancestor.

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Battle of the Boyne, 1690

IRELAND

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The Battle of the Boyne (Irish: Cath na Bóinne) was a turning point in the Williamite claim on the English throne.



The deposed King James VII of Scotland and James II of England and Ireland and his Jacobite supporters were defeated by James' nephew and son-in-law, William III and his supporters. By the invitation of Parliament, William had deposed James in 1688. Both kings acted as commander of their respective armies.



The battle took place on July 1, 1690 (OS) just outside the town of Drogheda on Ireland's east coast. Each army stood on opposing sides of the River Boyne. William's forces easily defeated those of James who led an army of mostly raw recruits. The symbolic importance of this battle has made it one of the best-known battles in British and Irish history and a key part in Irish Protestant folklore. It is still commemorated today, principally by the Orange Institution. As a consequence of the adoption of the Gregorian calendar, the battle is now commemorated on July 12 each year.

Contents

[hide]



* 1 A sectarian battle?

* 2 The competing sides

o 2.1 Commanders

o 2.2 Armies

* 3 The battle

* 4 Aftermath

* 5 Commemoration of the battle

o 5.1 "The Twelfth" in Ireland today

o 5.2 The battlefield today

* 6 See also

* 7 Notes and references

* 8 External links



[edit] A sectarian battle?



The battle of the Boyne was the decisive encounter in a war that was primarily about James' attempt to regain the thrones of England and Scotland and was the result of Parliament's move to put William on the throne, but is especially widely remembered as a crucial moment in the struggle between Irish Protestant and Catholic interests. However, recent analyses have played down the religious aspect of the conflict. In fact, both armies were religiously mixed; William of Orange's own elite force — the Dutch Blue Guards — had the papal banner with them on that day, many of them being Dutch Catholics. They were part of the League of Augsburg, a cross-Christian alliance designed to stop a French conquest of Europe, supported by the Vatican. The war in Ireland was also the beginning of a long-running but ultimately unsuccessful campaign by James' Jacobite supporters to restore the Stuarts to the British thrones. While most Jacobites in Ireland were indeed Catholics hoping to have their seized lands given back to them, many English and Scottish Jacobites were Protestants and were motivated by loyalty to the principle of monarchy (considering James to have been illegally deposed in a coup) or to the Stuart dynasty in particular, rather than by religion. A handful of British Jacobites fought with James at the Boyne. In addition, some of the French regiments fighting with the Jacobites were composed of German Protestants. In a European context, therefore, the battle was not a religiously motivated one, but part of a complicated political, dynastic and strategic conflict.



In an Irish context, however, the war was a sectarian and ethnic conflict, in many ways a re-run of the Irish Confederate Wars of 50 years earlier. For the Jacobites, the war was fought for Irish sovereignty, religious toleration for Catholicism, and land ownership. The Catholic upper classes had lost almost all their lands after Cromwell's conquest, as well as the right to hold public office, practice their religion, and sit in the Irish Parliament. They saw the Catholic King James as a means of redressing these grievances and securing the autonomy of Ireland from the English Parliament. To these ends, under Richard Talbot, 1st Earl of Tyrconnell, they had raised an army to restore James to his throne after the Glorious Revolution. By 1690, they controlled all of Ireland except for the province of Ulster. Most of James II's troops at the Boyne were Irish Catholics.



Conversely, for the Williamites, the war was about maintaining Protestant and British rule in Ireland. They feared for both their lives and their property if James and his Catholic supporters were to rule Ireland. In particular, they dreaded a repeat of the Irish Rebellion of 1641, which had been marked by widespread massacres of Protestants. For these reasons, Irish Protestants fought en masse for William III. Many of the Williamite troops at the Boyne, including their very effective irregular cavalry, were Protestants from Ulster, who called themselves "Enniskilleners" and were referred to by contemporaries as "Scots-Irish".



[edit] The competing sides

James VII and II King of England, Scotland and Ireland

James VII and II

King of England, Scotland and Ireland



[edit] Commanders



The opposing armies in the battle were led by the Roman Catholic former King James II of England, Scotland and Ireland and opposing him, his nephew and son-in-law the Protestant William III ("William of Orange") who had deposed James from his English and Scottish thrones in the previous year. James's supporters still controlled much of Ireland and the Irish Parliament. James also enjoyed the support of the French king, Louis XIV, who did not want to see a hostile monarch, such as William, on the throne of England. To support James's restoration, Louis sent 6,000 French troops to Ireland to support the Irish Jacobites. William was already Stadtholder of the Netherlands and was able to call on Dutch and allied troops from continental Europe as well as from Great Britain.



James was a seasoned general who had proven his bravery when fighting for his brother — King Charles II — in Europe, notably at the Battle of the Dunes in 1658. However, recent historians have noted that he was prone to panicking under pressure and to making rash decisions. William was also a seasoned commander and able general, but had yet to win a full battle. Many of his battles ended in bloody stalemates, prompting at least one modern historian to argue that William lacked an ability to manage armies in the thick of conflict. William's success against the French had been reliant upon tactical maneuvers and good diplomacy rather than force. His diplomacy had assembled the League of Augsburg — a multi-national coalition formed to resist French aggression in Europe. From William's point of view, his takeover of power in England and the ensuing campaign in Ireland was just another front in the war against King Louis XIV of France.



James II's subordinate commanders were Richard Talbot, 1st Earl of Tyrconnell, who was the Lord Deputy of Ireland and James's most powerful supporter in that country; and the French general Lauzun. William's second in command was the Duke of Schomberg, a 75-year-old professional soldier. Born in Heidelberg, Germany, Schomberg had formerly been a Marshal of France, but, being a Huguenot, was compelled to leave his adopted country in 1685 because of the revocation of the Edict of Nantes.



[edit] Armies



The Williamite army at the Boyne was about 36,000 strong, composed of troops from many countries. Around 20,000 had been in Ireland since 1689, commanded by Schomberg. William himself arrived with 16,000 more in June 1690. William's troops were generally far better trained and equipped than James's. The best Williamite infantry were from Denmark and the Netherlands, professional soldiers equipped with the latest flintlock muskets. There was also a large contingent of French Huguenot troops fighting with the Williamites. William did not have a high opinion of his British troops, with the exception of the Ulster Protestant irregulars who had held Ulster in the previous year. The English and Scottish troops were felt to be politically unreliable, since James had been their legitimate monarch up to a year before. Moreover, they had only been raised recently and had seen little battle action. The Jacobites were 23,500 strong. James had several regiments of French troops, but most of his manpower was provided by Irish Catholics. The Jacobites' Irish cavalry, who were recruited from among the dispossessed Irish gentry, proved themselves to be high calibre troops during the course of the battle. However, the Irish infantry, predominantly peasants who had been pressed into service, were not trained soldiers. They had been hastily trained, poorly equipped, and only a minority of them had functional muskets. In fact, some of them carried only farm implements such as scythes at the Boyne. On top of that, the Jacobite infantry who actually had firearms were all equipped with the obsolete matchlock musket.



[edit] The battle



William had landed in Carrickfergus in Ulster on June 14, 1690 and marched south to take Dublin.It has been argued that the Jacobites should have tried to block this advance in rugged country around Newry, on the present day Irish Republic/Northern Ireland border. However, James only fought a delaying action there and chose instead to place his line of defence on the River Boyne, around 30 miles from Dublin. The Williamites reached the Boyne on 29 June. The day before the battle, William himself had a narrow escape when he was wounded by Jacobite artillery while surveying the fords over which his troops would cross the Boyne.



The battle itself was fought on July 1 for control of a ford on the Boyne at Oldbridge, near Drogheda. William sent about a quarter of his men to cross at a place called Roughgrange, near Slane, about 6 miles from Oldbridge. The Duke of Schomberg's son Meinhardt led this crossing, which Irish dragoons in picquet under Neill O'Neill unsuccessfully opposed. James panicked when he saw that he might be outflanked and sent half his troops, along with most of his cannon, to counter this move. What neither side had realised was that there was a deep ravine at Roughgrange, so that the forces there could not engage each other, but literally sat out the battle. The Williamites there went on a long detour march which, late in the day, almost saw them cut off the Jacobite retreat at the village of Naul.



At the main ford at Oldbridge, William's infantry led by the elite Dutch Blue Guards forced their way across the river, using their superior firepower to slowly drive back the enemy foot-soldiers, but were pinned down when the Jacobite cavalry counter-attacked. Having secured the village of Oldbridge, some Williamite infantry held off successive cavalry attacks with disciplined volley fire while others were driven into the river. William's second-in-command, the Duke of Schomberg and George Walker were killed in this phase of the battle. The Williamites were not able to resume their advance until their own horsemen managed to cross the river and, after being badly mauled, held off the Jacobite cavalry, who retired and regrouped at Donore, where they once again put up stiff resistance before retiring.



The Jacobites retired in good order. William had a chance to trap them as they retreated across the River Nanny at Duleek, but his troops were held up by a successful rear-guard action.



The casualty figures of the battle were quite low for a battle of such a scale — of the 50,000 or so participants, about 2,000 died, three-quarters of whom were Jacobites. The reason for the low death toll was that in contemporary warfare, most of the casualties tended to be inflicted in the pursuit of an already-beaten enemy. This did not happen at the Boyne, as the counter-attacks of the Jacobite cavalry screened the retreat of the rest of their army. The Jacobites were badly demoralised by their defeat, however, and many of the Irish infantrymen deserted. The Williamites triumphantly marched into Dublin two days after the battle. The Jacobite army abandoned the city and marched to Limerick, behind the River Shannon, where they were besieged.



After his defeat, James did not stay in Dublin, but rode with a small escort to Duncannon and returned to exile in France, even though his army left the field relatively unscathed. James's loss of nerve and speedy exit from the battlefield enraged his Irish supporters, who fought on until the Treaty of Limerick in 1691. In Irish folk memory, James was derisively nick-named Seamus a' chaca — a title that translates literally to "Shitty James" or "James the shit."



[edit] Aftermath



The battle was overshadowed in its time in Great Britain by the defeat by the French of an Anglo-Dutch fleet two days later at the Battle of Beachy Head, a far more serious event in the short term; only on the continent was the Boyne treated as a major victory. Its importance lay in the fact that it was the first proper victory for the League of Augsburg, the first-ever alliance between Catholic and Protestant countries, and in achieving it William of Orange and Pope Alexander VIII (the League's prime movers) counteracted the myth, which emanated particularly from Sweden, that such an alliance was blasphemous. Thus the victory motivated more nations to join the alliance and in effect ended the very real danger of a French conquest of Europe.



The Boyne was not without strategic significance for both Great Britain and Ireland, however. It marked the end of James's hope of regaining his throne by military means and virtually assured the triumph of the Glorious Revolution. In Scotland, news of this defeat moved the Highlanders to gradually abandon the Jacobite Rising which Bonnie Dundee had led. In Ireland, the Boyne was the beginning of the Williamite victory over the Jacobites by which British and Protestant dominance over the country was maintained. For this reason, the Boyne is still celebrated by the Protestant Orange Order on the Twelfth of July.



[edit] Commemoration of the battle



Originally, Irish Protestants commemorated the Battle of Aughrim on the 12 July, as symbolising their victory in the Williamite war in Ireland. At Aughrim, which took place a year after the Boyne, virtually all of the Irish Catholic and old English aristocracies (dispossessed of lands to accommodate the plantations under Elizabeth I and Oliver Cromwell) were wiped out. The Boyne, which in the old Julian calendar, took place on 1 July, was treated as less important, third in commemorative value after Aughrim and the anniversary of the Irish Rebellion of 1641 on 23 October. What was celebrated on "The Twelfth" was not William's "victory over Popery at the Battle of the Boyne", but the extermination of the elite of the Catholic Irish at Aughrim, thereby ending the fear of having to surrender the planted lands.



In 1752, the Gregorian calendar was adopted in Ireland, which placed the Boyne on the 12th of July instead of Aughrim. However, even after this date, "The Twelfth" still commemorated Aughrim. But after the Orange Order was founded in 1795 amid sectarian violence in Armagh, the focus of parades on July 12 switched to the Battle of the Boyne. Usually the dates before the introduction of the calendar on 14 September 1752 are mapped in English language histories directly onto the Julian dates without shifting them by 11 days.[1] Being suspicious of anything with Papist connotations, however, rather than shift the anniversary of the Boyne to the new 1 July or celebrate the new anniversary of Aughrim, the Orangemen continued to march on the 12 July which, in New Style dates marked the battle of the Boyne. Despite this, there are also smaller parades and demonstrations on 1 July, the date which maps the old style date of the Boyne to the new style in the usual manner and which also commemorate the massacre of the 36th (Ulster) Division on the first day of the Battle of the Somme in July, 1916.



It has also been suggested that the Boyne was preferred to Aughrim because the Jacobites' rout there allowed the Irish Catholics to be presented as contemptible cowards, whereas at Aughrim they fought bravely and died in great numbers. In the context of a resurgent Irish nationalism from the 1790s onwards, it is argued that the narrative of the Boyne was more comforting for Loyalists in Ireland. The commemoration of the Battle of the Boyne therefore has more to do with the politics of the Unionist community than it has to do with the military significance of the battle itself.



The memory of the battle also has resonance among Irish Nationalists. Most Irish people see the battle as a major step on the road to the complete British colonisation of Ireland. In 1923, IRA members blew up a large monument to the battle on the battlefield site on the Boyne and later destroyed a statue of William III in 1929 that stood outside Trinity College, Dublin in the centre of the Irish capital.



[edit] "The Twelfth" in Ireland today



Main article: The Twelfth



The Battle of the Boyne remains a controversial topic today, especially in Northern Ireland, where Protestants remember it as the great victory over Catholics that resulted in the sovereignty of Parliament and the Protestant monarchy.



In recent years, "The Twelfth" has often been marked by confrontations, as members of the Orange Order attempt to celebrate the date by marching past or through what they see as their traditional route. Some of these areas, however, now have a Nationalist majority who object to marches passing through their areas. This change is mainly due to natural population migrations, whereby rural Irish Catholics have moved to major cities to be closer to potential employers.



Each side thus dresses up the disputes in terms of the other's alleged attempts to repress them; Catholics still see Orange Order marches as provocative attempts to show who is boss, while Protestants insist that they have a right to "walk the Queen's highway" and see any attempt to deny them the right to walk through traditional routes used for centuries as a move to marginalise them and restrict their freedom to celebrate their Protestant identity earned in the Glorious Revolution settlement. Since the start of The Troubles, the celebrations of the battle have been seen as playing a critical role in the awareness of those involved in the Unionist/Nationalist tensions in Northern Ireland.



[edit] The battlefield today



The site of the Battle of the Boyne sprawls over a wide area west of the town of Drogheda. At the eastern edge of Oldbridge, near the scene of the main Williamite crossing and the western edge of Drogheda town, a planning application for over 700 houses is due to be decided on by An Bord Pleanala in March 2008. The current Interpretive Centre dedicated to informing tourists and other visitors about the battle is about 1 mile to the west of the main crossing point. This facility is currently being redeveloped. The battle's other main combat areas (at Duleek, Donore and Plattin - along the Jacobite line of retreat) are marked with tourist information signs.



On 4 April 2007 in a sign of improving relations between Unionist and Nationalist groups, the newly-elected First Minister of Northern Ireland, the Reverend Ian Paisley, was invited to visit the battle site by the Taoiseach (Prime Minister) Bertie Ahern later in the year. Following the invitation, Paisley commented that "such a visit would help to demonstrate how far we have come when we can celebrate and learn from the past so the next generation more clearly understands." On 10 May the visit took place, where Paisley presented the Taoiseach with a Jacobite musket in return for Ahern's gift at the St Andrews talks of a walnut bowl made from a tree from the site. A new tree was also planted in the grounds of Oldbridge House by the two politicians to mark the occasion.[2]

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Penal Laws

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The Penal Laws were introduced into Ireland in the year 1695 (having been in use in other countries before this). They had a pronounced effect, disenfranchising the majority of the Irish population, who were Roman Catholic or Presbyterian and in favour of the minority established Church of Ireland. Though the laws also affected adherents of the Presbyterian Church in Ireland (who were concentrated in Ulster), their principal victims were members of the Roman Catholic Church, meaning over three quarters of the people on the island. The British had punished the faith of the overwhelming majority of the "mere Irish" (in contemporary English, 'mere' meant 'pure' or 'fully').



The laws were eventually repealed largely due to Irish political agitation organised under Daniel O'Connell in the 1820s, but effects of the laws in terms of sectarianism between Catholics and Protestants can still be seen, particularly in Northern Ireland, today.

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Acts of Union 1800

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The phrase Act of Union 1800 (or sometimes Act of Union 1801) (Irish: Acht an Aontais 1800) is used to describe two complementary Acts[1] whose official United Kingdom titles are the Union with Ireland Act 1800 (1800 c.67 39 and 40 Geo 3), an Act of the Parliament of Great Britain, and the Act of Union (Ireland) 1800 (1800 c.38 40 Geo 3), an Act of the Parliament of Ireland.



These two Acts merged the Kingdom of Ireland and the unified Kingdom of Great Britain, (being itself a merger of the Kingdom of England and the Kingdom of Scotland under the Act of Union 1707), to create the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. It is important to note that although one act was passed on July 2, 1800 and the other at a later date, they were not made effective until 1 January 1801, which creates confusion as to the actual date of the merger. Prior to these Acts Ireland had been in personal union with England since 1541, when the Protestant Ascendancy dominating Irish Parliament passed the Crown of Ireland Act 1542, proclaiming King Henry VIII of England to be King of Ireland. Both Ireland and England had been in personal union with Scotland since the Union of the Crowns in 1603. Both Acts remain in force (with amendments) in the United Kingdom[2].



In 1707 England and Scotland were united, but Ireland, the third of the three "sister kingdoms" was left out. In July 1707, each House of the Parliament of Ireland passed a congratulatory address to Queen Anne, praying that "May God put it in your royal heart to add greater strength and lustre to your crown, by a still more comprehensive Union"[3]. The British government did not respond to the invitation and an equal union between Great Britain and Ireland was out of consideration until the 1790's. When the union was finally passed in 1800, the British ministry led the way, accepting at last the need for it.



In the Republic of Ireland the Union With Ireland Act 1800 (i.e. the UK/British Act) was not finally repealed until the passing of that country's Statute Law Revision Act 1983.[4] The Act of Union (Ireland) 1800 was repealed in 1962.[5]

Contents

[hide]



* 1 The Acts

* 2 The Union Flag

* 3 See also

* 4 References

* 5 Sources

* 6 External links



[edit] The Acts



Each Act had to be passed in the Parliament of Great Britain and the Parliament of Ireland. Contemporary laws excluded all non-Anglicans from membership of the Parliament of Ireland. Over 90% of the Irish population belonged to other faiths - most notably the majority religion Roman Catholicism - and were therefore banned until Catholic Emancipation in and around 1829. Furthermore, until the 1790s, Catholics had even been denied the requisite property rights to vote. So the Irish Parliament was the central institution in what had become known by the 1780s as the Protestant Ascendancy. It was also responsible for a series of anti-Catholic discriminatory laws known as the Penal Laws. It had been given a large measure of independence by the Constitution of 1782, after centuries of being subordinated to the English (and later, British) Parliament. Thus, many members had guarded its autonomy jealously, including Henry Grattan, and had rejected a previous motion for Union in 1799. However, a concerted campaign by the British government overturned this reluctance.



From the perspective of Great Britain, the union was required because of the uncertainty that followed the Irish Rebellion of 1798 and the French Revolution of 1789, which inspired the rebels; if Ireland adopted Catholic Emancipation, willingly or not, a Roman Catholic parliament could break away from Britain and ally with the French, while the same measure within a united kingdom would exclude that possibility. Also the Irish and British parliaments, when creating a regency during King George III's "madness", gave the Prince Regent different powers. These considerations led Great Britain to decide to merge the two kingdoms and their parliaments.



The final passage of the Act in the Irish Parliament was achieved with substantial majorities, achieved in part according to contemporary documents through bribery, namely the awarding of peerages and honours to critics to get their votes.[6] Whereas the first attempt had been defeated in the Irish House of Commons by 109 votes against to 104 for, the second vote in 1800 produced a result of 158 to 115.[7]



The Acts ratified eight articles which had been previously agreed by the British and Irish Parliaments:



* Articles I–IV dealt with the political aspects of the Union which included Ireland having over 100 MPs representing it in the united parliament, meeting in the Palace of Westminster (more than would be proportionate according to population). Ireland gained 100 seats in the House of Commons and 32 seats in the House of Lords: 28 representative peers elected for life, and four clergymen of the (Anglican) Church of Ireland, chosen for each session.

* Article V created a united Protestant church, the United Church of England and Ireland, but confirmed the independence of the Church of Scotland.

* Article VI created a customs union, with the exception that customs duties on certain British and Irish goods passing between the two countries would remain for 10 years (a consequence of having trade depressed by the ongoing war with revolutionary France).

* Article VII stated that Ireland would have to contribute two-seventeenths towards the expenditure of the United Kingdom. The figure was a ratio of Irish to British foreign trade.

* Article VIII formalised the legal and judicial aspects of the Union.



Part of the attraction of the Union for many Irish Catholics was the promise of Catholic Emancipation, thereby allowing Roman Catholic MPs (which had not been allowed in the Irish Parliament). However this was blocked by King George III who argued that emancipating Roman Catholics would breach his Coronation Oath; it was delayed until 1829.



[edit] The Union Flag

The Union Flag.

The Union Flag.



The flag created as a consequence of the merger of the Kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland in 1800 still remains the flag of the United Kingdom. Called the Union Flag (or "Union Jack" when flown on a jackstaff[citation needed]), it combined the flags of England and Scotland with "St Patrick's Cross" to represent Ireland. However, Wales is not included on the Union Flag, as when the original Union Flag was devised Wales was considered an integral part of the Kingdom of England.

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Catholic Uprising, 1641

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The Irish Rebellion of 1798 (Irish: Éirí Amach 1798), or 1798 rebellion as it is known locally, was an uprising in 1798, lasting several months, against the British dominated Kingdom of Ireland. The United Irishmen, a republican revolutionary group influenced by the ideas of the American and French Revolutions, were the main organising force behind the rebellion.

Contents

[hide]



* 1 Background

* 2 Society of United Irishmen

* 3 Government crackdown and counter-revolution

* 4 Plan

* 5 Outbreak of the rebellion

* 6 The rebellion spreads

* 7 Atrocities

o 7.1 Government

o 7.2 Rebel

* 8 French landing

* 9 Aftermath

* 10 Legacy of 1798

* 11 References

* 12 Sources

* 13 See also

* 14 External links



[edit] Background



Since 1691 and the end of the Williamite war, Ireland had been controlled by an Protestant Ascendancy constituting members of the State Church loyal to the British Crown, which governed the majority Roman Catholic native population by a form of institutionalised sectarianism codified in the Penal Laws. As the 18th century progressed, liberal elements among the ruling class were inspired by the example of the American Revolution and sought to form common cause with the Catholic populace to achieve reform and greater autonomy from Britain.



When France joined the American colonists in support of their revolution, London called for volunteers to join militias to defend Ireland against the threat of invasion from France. Many thousands joined the Irish Volunteers who used their new powerful position to force the Crown to grant the landed Ascendancy self-rule and a more independent parliament. In 1793 Catholics with some property were allowed to vote, but could neither be elected nor be appointed as state officials.



Liberals seeking a greater franchise for the people, and an end to religious distinctions in law, were further inspired by the French Revolution that started in 1789.



[edit] Society of United Irishmen

"Equality - It is new strung and shall be heard" United Irish Symbol- Harp without Crown and Cap of Liberty

"Equality -

It is new strung and shall be heard"

United Irish Symbol

- Harp without Crown and Cap of Liberty

Theobald Wolfe Tone - United Irish leader.

Theobald Wolfe Tone - United Irish leader.



The promise of reform inspired a small group of Protestant liberals in Belfast to found the Society of the United Irishmen in 1791. The organisation crossed the religious divide with a membership comprising Roman Catholics, Presbyterians, Methodists, other Protestant "dissenters" groups and even some from the Protestant Ascendancy. The Society openly put forward its policies of further democratic reforms and Catholic emancipation, reforms that the Irish Parliament had little intention of granting and the British government were just as unwilling to enforce, until pressured to do so in 1793. The outbreak of war with France earlier in 1793 following the execution of Louis XVI forced the Society underground and toward armed insurrection with French aid. The avowed intent of the United Irishmen was now to "break the connection with England"; the organisation spread throughout Ireland and had at least 100,000 members by 1797. It linked up with Catholic agrarian resistance groups, known as the Defenders, who had started raiding houses for arms in early 1793.



Despite their growing strength, the United Irish leadership decided to seek military help from the French revolutionary government, and to postpone the rising until French troops landed in Ireland. Theobald Wolfe Tone, leader of the United Irishmen, travelled in exile from America to France to press the case for intervention. These plans seemed to come to fruition when he accompanied a force of 15,000 French troops under General Hoche which arrived off the coast of Ireland at Bantry Bay in December 1796 after eluding the Royal Navy. However unremitting storms, indecisiveness and poor seamanship all combined to prevent invasion, prompting the despairing Wolfe Tone to remark, "England has had its luckiest escape since the Armada."



[edit] Government crackdown and counter-revolution

Arrest of Lord Edward Fitzgerald (George Cruikshank)

Arrest of Lord Edward Fitzgerald (George Cruikshank)



The shaken Establishment responded to widespread disorders by launching a counter-campaign of martial law from 2 March 1797 using tactics that could in modern terms be described as "state terrorism". This included house burnings, torture, pitchcapping and murder, particularly in Ulster as it was the one area of Ireland where large numbers of Catholics and Protestants (mainly Presbyterians) had effected common cause.



However, sectarianism was also recognised as a usefully divisive tool for the British establishment to employ against the many Protestant United Irishmen in Ulster, by the divide and conquer method of colonial dominion, and was officially encouraged by the Government. The aim was to counter the United Irishmen by encouraging the formation of the Orange Order from 1795 by playing on Protestants' fears of the secretive Catholic "Defenders". For example, Brigadier-General C.E. Knox wrote to General Lake (who was responsible for Ulster):"I hope to increase the animosity between Orangemen and United Irishmen. Upon that animosity depends the safety of the centre counties of the North."



The Lord Chancellor of Ireland, John Fitzgibbon wrote in a letter to the Privy Council in June 1798; "In the North nothing will keep the rebels quiet but the conviction that where treason has broken out the rebellion is merely popish". By this he meant that the Presbyterian republicans might not rise if they thought that any rebellion would develop into a Catholic-Protestant conflict.



Loyalists all over Ireland had already organised themselves in support of the Government, and many supplied recruits and vital local intelligence through the foundation of the Orange Order in 1795. The opposition of the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland to the United Irish had been secured by the establishment of Maynooth College in the same year and the church was, with a few individual exceptions, firmly on the side of the Crown throughout the entire period of the rebellion.



Intelligence from informers in the United Irish also swept up much of the United Irish leadership in raids in Dublin in March 1798. A preemptive rising in March in Cahir, County Tipperary broke out in response, but was quickly crushed. Martial law was consequently imposed over much of the country, the unrelenting brutality of which put the United Irish organisation under severe pressure to act before it was too late. By May 1798 Lord Edward FitzGerald and most other leaders of the Dublin rebellion were arrested and the rump United Irish leadership finally decided to launch the rising without French aid, fixing the date of the rising for May 23rd.



[edit] Plan



The initial plan was to take Dublin, with the counties bordering Dublin to then rise to prevent the arrival of reinforcements, whereupon the remainder of the country would rise and tie down other garrisons. The agreed signal for the rest of the country to rise was to be the interception of the outward bound mail coaches from Dublin.



Last minute intelligence from informers however provided details of rebel assembly points at Smithfield and Haymarket, and those places were occupied by a huge force of military barely one hour before rebels were to assemble. Deterred by the preparedness of the military, dismayed groups of rebels slunk away from their intended rallying point, dumping weapons in the surrounding lanes. The plan to intercept the mail coaches miscarried with only the Munster bound coach halted near Naas on the first night.



[edit] Outbreak of the rebellion



The nucleus of the rebellion had imploded but the counties surrounding Dublin rose as planned and the long threatened rising finally began. Surrounding districts of Dublin were first to rise and rebels quickly began to assemble in Wicklow, Meath and Kildare. The first clashes of the rebellion took place just after dawn on 24 May and the fighting quickly spread throughout Leinster with the county of Kildare bearing the brunt of the initial clashes.



Despite the Government successfully beating off almost every rebel attack, all military forces in Kildare were ordered to withdraw to Naas for fear of their isolation and destruction as at Prosperous which temporarily handed control of much of Kildare to the rebels. However, rebel defeats at Naas, Carlow and the hill of Tara, County Meath, effectively ended the rebellion in those counties. News of the rising spread panic and fear among loyalists in Wicklow who responded by massacring rebel suspects held in custody at Dunlavin Green and in Carnew.



[edit] The rebellion spreads

The Battle of New Ross

The Battle of New Ross



In Wicklow large numbers rose but largely operated away from settled areas and engaged in a bloody rural guerrilla war with the military and loyalist forces. General Joseph Holt led up to 1,000 men in the Wicklow Hills forcing the British to commit substantial forces to the area until his capitulation in October.



In the north-east, mostly Presbyterian rebels led by Henry Joy McCracken rose in Antrim on 6 June and briefly held most of the county but the rising there collapsed following defeat at Antrim town. In Down, after initial success at Saintfield, rebels led by Henry Munro were defeated in the longest battle of the rebellion at Ballynahinch.



The rebels had most success in the south-eastern county of Wexford in what has become known as the Wexford rebellion, where they seized control of the county, but a series of bloody defeats at New Ross, Arklow, and Newtownbarry prevented the effective spread of the rebellion beyond the county borders. 20,000 troops eventually poured into Wexford inflicting defeat at the battle of Vinegar Hill on 21 June. The dispersed rebels spread in two columns through the midlands, Kilkenny and finally towards Ulster. The last remnants of these forces fought on until their final defeat on 14 July at the battles of Knightstown Bog, Co. Meath and Ballyboughal, County Dublin.



[edit] Atrocities

Half-Hanging of suspected United Irishmen by Government troops

Half-Hanging of suspected United Irishmen by Government troops



The intimate nature of the conflict meant that the rebellion at times took on the worst characteristics of a civil war, especially in Leinster. Sectarian resentment was fuelled by the remaining Penal Laws still in force and by the ruthless campaign of repression prior to the rising. Rumours of planned massacres by both sides were common in the days before the rising and led to a widespread climate of fear.



[edit] Government



The immediate aftermath of almost every British victory in the rising was marked by the massacre of captured and wounded rebels. The British were responsible for particularly gruesome massacres at Gibbet Rath, New Ross and Enniscorthy, burning rebels alive in the latter two[1]. For those rebels who were taken alive in the aftermath of battle, being regarded as traitors to the Crown, they were not treated as prisoners of war but were executed, usually by hanging.



In addition, countless civilians were murdered by the rampaging military, who also practised gang rape, particularly in County Wexford[2]. Many individual instances of murder were also unofficially carried out by aggressive local Yeomanry Units before, during and after the rebellion as their local knowledge led them to target suspected rebels and "pardoned" rebels were a particular target.[citation needed]



[edit] Rebel



The rebels in turn were guilty of a couple of small-scale atrocities near Saintfield, Co. Antrim and at Rathangan, County Kildare, but the vast majority of rebel atrocities took place in County Wexford at the Vinegar Hill camp, Scullabogue, Wexford bridge and in the vicinity of Gorey. Despite the United Irishmen being an avowedly non-sectarian organisation, the rebel atrocities at times took on a sectarian nature especially where rebel discipline broke down, with Protestantism often being equated with loyalism.



[edit] French landing

"Charge of the 5th Dragoon Guards on the insurgents – a recreant yeoman having deserted to them in uniform is being cut down" - William Sadler (1782-1839)

"Charge of the 5th Dragoon Guards on the insurgents – a recreant yeoman having deserted to them in uniform is being cut down" - William Sadler (1782-1839)



On 22 August, nearly two months after the main uprisings had been defeated, about 1,000 French soldiers under General Humbert landed in the north-west of the country, at Kilcummin in County Mayo. Joined by up to 5,000 local rebels, they inflicted a humiliating defeat (known as the Castlebar races to commemorate the speed of the British retreat) on the British at Castlebar and set up a short-lived "Republic of Connaught", before final defeat at the Battle of Ballinamuck, in County Longford, on 8 September 1798. The French troops who surrendered were repatriated to France in exchange for British prisoners of war; the captured Irish rebels were massacred at the site of the battle. As the historian Guy Beiner demonstrated, this seemingly side-episode of the 1798 Rebellion became a major event in the heritage and collective memory of the West of Ireland and was commonly known in Irish as Bliain na bhFrancach and in English as "The Year of the French".[3]



On 12 October 1798, a larger French force consisting of 3,000 men, and including Wolfe Tone himself, attempted to land in County Donegal near Lough Swilly. They were intercepted by a larger Royal Navy squadron, and finally surrendered after a three hour battle without ever landing in Ireland. As a result of this French involvement, 1798 was often referred to as "The Year of the French". After he was captured at Laird's Hotel in the Main St of Letterkenny, Wolfe Tone was tried by court-martial in Dublin and found guilty. He asked for death by firing squad, but when this was refused, Tone cheated the hangman by slitting his own throat in prison and died a week later.



[edit] Aftermath

"General" Joseph Holt (1799)

"General" Joseph Holt (1799)



Small fragments of the rebel armies of the Summer of 1798 survived for a number of years and waged a form of guerilla or "fugitive" warfare. In County Wicklow, Michael Dwyer led resistance following the surrender of "General" Joseph Holt in Autumn 1798 until the failure of Robert Emmet's rebellion in 1803 final demise of the United Irishmen finally forced the last organised rebel forces under Dwyer to a negotiated surrender. Small pockets of rebel resistance had also survived in Wexford and the last rebel group under James Corocoran was not vanquished until February 1804.



The Act of Union, having been passed in August 1800, came into effect on 1 January 1801 and took away the measure of autonomy granted to Ireland's Protestant Ascendancy. It was passed largely in response to the rebellion and was underpinned by the perception that the rebellion was provoked by the brutish misrule of the Ascendancy as much as the efforts of the United Irishmen.



Religious, if not economic, discrimination against the Catholic majority was gradually abolished after the Act of Union but not before widespread radical mobilisation of the Catholic population under Daniel O'Connell. Discontent at grievances and resentment persisted but resistance to British rule now largely manifested itself along sectarian lines as in the Tithe War of 1831-36. Presbyterian radicalism was effectively tamed or reconciled to British rule by inclusion in a new Protestant Ascendancy, as opposed to a merely Anglican one. The resulting effect was that Irish politics in the 19th century was steered away from the unifying vision of the United Irishmen, encouraged by Unionists, Dublin Castle, and exploited by politicians such as Daniel O’Connell, towards a sectarian model which has largely endured to the present day.



[edit] Legacy of 1798



The 1798 rebellion was probably the most concentrated outbreak of violence in Irish history and resulted in an estimated 15,000-30,000 deaths over the course of three months. Research into casualty figures suggests that a maximum of 2,000 troops and 1,000 civilians died at the hands of the rebels and that the remainder were killed by Government troops and loyalist militias. Atrocities were committed on both sides, the great majority being committed by the government forces but rebel killings of Protestants in Wexford were given much greater emphasis by the victors in the following years, as the loyalist version of events reduced the rebellion to a sectarian Catholic plot to massacre Protestants - a repeat of the Irish Rebellion of 1641.



The aftermath of the rebellion caused a reluctance to speak of it; both to forget horrific experiences of the fighting and fear of the ensuing repression. As a result almost all initial histories of the rebellion were published by loyalists and their versions distorted the role of the Catholic Church in the rebellion. Ironically this distortion was later adopted by the Catholic Church in Ireland as it proved useful in claiming a leadership position in resurgent Irish nationalism from the mid 19th century. Thus the role of few Catholic priests, such as Fr. John Murphy, who took part in the rising, was overemphasised and the secular Enlightenment ideology of the mostly Protestant United Irish leadership deliberately obscured as was the fact that the Catholic Church at the time had actively sided with the British. By centenary of the Rebellion in 1898, conservative Irish nationalists and the Catholic Church would claim that the United Irishmen had been fighting for "Faith and Fatherland", and this version of events is still, to some extent, the lasting popular memory of the rebellion.



At the bi-centenary in 1998, the non-sectarian and democratic nature of the Rebellion was emphasised in official commemorations, reflecting the desire for reconciliation at the time of the Good Friday Agreement which was hoped would end the Troubles in Northern Ireland.



[edit]

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Daniel O' Connell

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Daniel O'Connell (6 August 1775 – 15 May 1847) (Irish: Dónal Ó Conaill), known as The Liberator, [1], or The Emancipator, [2] was Ireland's predominant political leader in the first half of the nineteenth century. He campaigned for Catholic Emancipation - the right for Catholics to sit in the Westminster Parliament, denied for over 100 years - and Repeal of the Union between Ireland and Great Britain.

He is remembered in Ireland as the founder of a non-violent form of Irish nationalism, and for the channelling of Irish politics by the mobilisation of the Catholic community as a political force, with the help of the clergy.
Contents
[hide]

* 1 Early life
* 2 Political beliefs and programme
* 3 Campaigning for Catholic Emancipation
* 4 Campaign for "Repeal of the Union"
* 5 Death and legacy
* 6 Family
* 7 Footnotes
* 8 O'Connell quotes
* 9 Books By Young Irelanders (Irish Confederation)
* 10 Additional Reading
* 11 References
* 12 External links
* 13 See also

[edit] Early life

O'Connell was born in Carhen, near Caherciveen, County Kerry, to a once-wealthy Roman Catholic family. Under the patronage of his wealthy bachelor uncle, Maurice "Hunting Cap" O'Connell, he studied at Douai in France, and was admitted to Lincoln's Inn in 1794, transferring to Dublin's King's Inns two years later. In his early years, he became acquainted with the pro-democracy radicals of the time, and committed himself to bringing equal rights and religious tolerance to his own country.[citation needed]
O'Connell's Home at Derrynane
O'Connell's Home at Derrynane

While in Dublin studying for the law O'Connell was under his Uncle Maurice's instructions not to become involved in any militia activity. When Wolfe Tone's French invasion fleet entered Bantry Bay in December, 1796, O'Connell found himself in a quandary. Politics was the cause of his unsettlement.[3] Dennis Gwynn in his Daniel O’Connell: The Irish Liberator suggests that the unsettlement was because he was enrolled as a volunteer in defence of Government, yet the Government was intensifying its persecution of the Catholic people of which he was one.[3] He desired to enter Parliament, yet every allowance that the Catholics had been led to anticipate, two years previously, was now flatly vetoed.[3]

As a law student, O'Connell was aware of his own talents, but the higher ranks of the Bar were closed to him. Having read the Jockey Club, as a picture of the governing class in England, and was persuaded by it that, “vice reigns triumphant in the English court at this day. The spirit of liberty shrinks to protect property from the attacks of French innovators. The corrupt higher orders tremble for their vicious enjoyments.”[3] Daniel O'Connell's studies at the time had concentrated upon the legal and political history of Ireland, and the debates of the Historical Society concerned the records of governments, and from this he was to conclude, according to one of his biographers, "in Ireland the whole policy of the Government was to repress the people and to maintain the ascendancy of a privileged and corrupt minority."[3]

On 3 January 1797, he wrote to his uncle saying that he was the last of his colleagues to join a volunteer corps and 'being young, active, healthy and single' he could offer no plausible excuse.[4] Later that month, for the sake of expediency, he joined the Lawyer's Artillery Corps.[5]

On 19 May 1798, O'Connell was called to the Irish Bar and became a barrister. Four days later the United Irishmen staged their rebellion which was put down by the British with great bloodshed. O'Connell did not support the rebellion; he believed that the Irish would have to assert themselves politically rather than by force. He decided to retire to his Kerry home and took part in neither the rebellion nor its repression[citation needed]. For over a decade he went into a fairly quiet period of private law practice in the south of Ireland. He also condemned Robert Emmet's rebellion of 1803. Of Emmet, a Protestant, he wrote: 'A man who could coolly prepare so much bloodshed, so many murders - and such horrors of every kind has ceased to be an object of compassion.'[6]

[edit] Political beliefs and programme

A critic of violent insurrection in Ireland, O'Connell once said that "the altar of liberty totters when it is cemented only with blood," and yet as late as 1841, O’Connell had “whipped his MP’s into line to keep the “Opium War” going in China. The Tories at this time, had proposed a motion of censure over the War, and O’Connell had to call upon his MP’s to support the Whig Government, as a result of this intervention, the Government was saved. [7] The Dublin Corporation had always been reactionary and bigoted against Catholics, and served the established Protestant Ascendancy. O'Connell in an 1815 speech referred to "The Corpo", as it was commonly referred to, as a "beggarly corporation". Its members and leaders were outraged and because O'Connell would not apologize, one of their number, the noted duellist D'Esterre, challenged him. The duel had filled Dublin Castle (from were the British Government administered Ireland) with tense excitement at the prospect that O’Connell would be killed. They regarded O’Connell as “worse than a public nuisance,” and would have welcomed any prospect of seeing him removed at this time.[8] O'Connell met D'Esterre and mortally wounded him, (he was shot in the hip, the bullet then lodging in his stomach), in a duel. His conscience was bitterly sore by the fact that, not only had he killed a man, but left his family almost destitute. O’Connell offered to “share his income” with D’Esterre’s widow, but she declined, but consented to accept an allowance for her daughter, which he regularly paid for more than thirty years until his death. The memory of the duel haunted him for the remainder of his life. [9]

Politically, he focused on parliamentary and populist methods to force change and made regular declarations of his loyalty to the British Crown. He often warned the British Establishment that if they did not reform the governance of Ireland, Irishmen would start to listen to the "counsels of violent men". Successive British governments continued to ignore this advice, long after his death, although he succeeded in extracting by the sheer force of will and the power of the Catholic peasants and clergy much of what he wanted, i.e. eliminating disabilities on Roman Catholics; ensuring that lawfully elected Roman Catholics could serve their constituencies in the British Parliament (until the Irish Parliament was restored); and amending the Oath of Allegiance so as to remove clauses offensive to Roman Catholics who could then take the Oath in good conscience.

Although a native speaker of the Irish language, O'Connell encouraged Irish people to learn English in order to better themselves.

And although he is best known for the campaign for Catholic Emancipation; he also supported similar efforts for Irish Jews. At his insistence, in 1846, the British law “De Judaismo," which prescribed a special dress for Jews, was repealed. O’Connell said: "Ireland has claims on your ancient race, it is the only country that I know of unsullied by any one act of persecution of the Jews".

[edit] Campaigning for Catholic Emancipation

He returned to politics in the 1810s, establishing the Catholic Board in 1811 which campaigned for only Catholic Emancipation, that is, the opportunity for Irish Catholics to become Members of Parliament. O'Connell later in 1823 set up the Catholic Association which embraced other aims to better Irish Catholics, such as: electoral reform, reform of the Church of Ireland, tenant's rights and economic development[10] . The Association was funded by membership dues of one penny per month, a minimal amount designed to attract Catholic peasants. The subscription was highly successful, and the Association raised a large sum of money in its first year. The money was used to campaign for Catholic Emancipation, specifically funding pro-emancipation Members of Parliament (MPs) standing for the British House of Commons.
Statue of Daniel O'Connell outside St Patrick's Cathedral, Melbourne
Statue of Daniel O'Connell outside St Patrick's Cathedral, Melbourne

As part of his campaign for Catholic Emancipation, O'Connell stood in a by-election to the British House of Commons in 1828 for County Clare for a seat vacated by William Vesey Fitzgerald, another supporter of the Catholic Association. After O'Connell won the seat, he was unable to take it because Catholics were not allowed to sit in the British Parliament at this time. It was only through a legal loop hole that he was allowed to stand in the first place. It is incorrectly assumed that he didn't take his seat because of his refusal to take an oath to the King as head of the Church of England. The Prime Minister, the Duke of Wellington, and the Home Secretary, Sir Robert Peel, even though they opposed Catholic participation in Parliament , saw that denying O'Connell his seat would cause outrage and could lead to another rebellion or uprising in Ireland which was about 85% Catholic. Peel and Wellington managed to convince George IV that Catholic emancipation and the right of Catholics and Presbyterians and members of all Christian faiths other than the established Church of Ireland to sit in Parliament needed to be passed; and with the help of the Whigs, it became law in 1829. However, this destroyed the trust other Tory MPs had in Peel and Wellington. (Jews and other non-Christians got the right to sit in Parliament in 1858). Michael Doheny, in his The Felon’s Track, says that the very character of Emancipation has assumed an “exaggerated and false guise” and that it is an error to call it emancipation. He went on, that it was neither the first nor the last nor even the most important in the concessions, which are entitled to the name of emancipation, and that no one remembered the men whose exertions “wrung from the reluctant spirit of a far darker time the right of living, of worship, of enjoying property, and exercising the franchise.”[11] Doheny's opinion was, that the penalties of the “penal laws” had been long abolished, and that barbarous code had been compressed into cold and stolid exclusiveness and yet Mr. O’Connell monopolised its entire renown.[11] The view put forward by John Mitchel, also one of the leading members of the Young Ireland movement, in his “Jail Journal”[12] was that there were two distinct movements in Ireland during this period, which were rousing the people, one was the Catholic Relief Agitation (led by O'Connell), which was both open and legal, the other was the secret societies known as the Ribbon and White-boy movements.[13] The first proposed the admission of professional and genteel Catholics to Parliament and to the honours of the professions, all under British law — the other, originating in an utter horror and defiance of British law, contemplated nothing less than a social, and ultimately, a political revolution.[13] According to Mitchel, for fear of the latter, Great Britain with a “very ill grace yielded to the first”. Mitchel agrees that Sir Robert Peel and the Duke of Wellington said they brought in this measure, to avert civil war; but says that “no British statesman ever officially tells the truth, or assigns to any act its real motive.”[13] Their real motive was, according to Mitchel, to buy into the British interests, the landed and educated Catholics, these “Respectable Catholics” would then be contented, and "become West Britons" from that day.[13]
Daniel O'Connell as depicted on the £20 note of Series C Banknote of Ireland
Daniel O'Connell as depicted on the £20 note of Series C Banknote of Ireland

Ironically, considering O'Connell's dedication to peaceful methods of political agitation, his greatest political achievement ushered in a period of violence in Ireland. A flaw in his achievement was that one of the most unpopular features of the Penal Laws remained in the form of the obligation for all working people to support the Anglican Church (i.e., the Church of Ireland) by payments known as Tithes. An initially peaceful campaign of non-payment turned violent in 1831 when the newly founded Irish Constabulary were used to seize property in lieu of payment resulting in the Tithe War of 1831-36. Although opposed to the use of force, O'Connell successfully defended participants in the battle of Carrickshock and all the defendants were successfully acquitted.

In 1841, Daniel O'Connell became the first Roman Catholic Lord Mayor of Dublin since the reign of King James II of England and Ireland and VII of Scotland, who was the last Roman Catholic monarch in the British Isles. As the Lord Mayor, he called out the British Army against striking workers in the capital. Nonetheless O'Connell rejected Sharman Crawford's call for the complete abolition of tithes in 1838, as he felt he could not embarrass the Whigs (the Lichfield house compact secured an alliance between Whigs, radicals and Irish MPs in 1835).

[edit] Campaign for "Repeal of the Union"
The round tower marking O'Connell's grave in Glasnevin Cemetery
The round tower marking O'Connell's grave in Glasnevin Cemetery
O'Connell Monument in Dublin
O'Connell Monument in Dublin

O'Connell campaigned for Repeal of the Act of Union, which in 1801 merged the Parliaments of the Kingdom of Great Britain and the Kingdom of Ireland to form the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. In order to campaign for Repeal, O'Connell set up the Repeal Association. He argued for the re-creation of an independent Kingdom of Ireland to govern itself, with Queen Victoria as the Queen of Ireland.

To push for this, he held a series of Monster Meetings throughout much of Ireland outside the Protestant and Unionist-dominated province of Ulster. They were so called because each was attended by around 100,000 people. These rallies concerned the British Government and then-Prime Minister, Sir Robert Peel, banned one such proposed monster meeting at Clontarf, County Dublin, just outside Dublin City. This move was made after the biggest monster meeting was held at Tara.

Tara held a lot of significance to the Irish population as it was the old inauguration site of the High Kings of Ireland. Clontarf was symbolic because of its association with the Battle of Clontarf in 1014, when the Irish King and Gaelic imperialist Brian Boru broke Viking power in Ireland. Despite appeals from his supporters, O'Connell refused to defy the authorities and he called off the meeting. This did not prevent him being jailed for sedition, although he was released after 3 months by the British House of Lords. Having deprived himself of his most potent weapon, the monster meeting, O'Connell failed to make any more progress in the campaign for Repeal.

[edit] Death and legacy
The Bank of Ireland, College Green — before 1801 the seat of the Irish Houses of Parliament
The Bank of Ireland, College Green — before 1801 the seat of the Irish Houses of Parliament

O'Connell died of softening of the brain (cerebral softening) in 1847 in Genoa, Italy while on a pilgrimage to Rome at the age of 71, his term in prison having seriously weakened him. According to his dying wish, his heart was buried in Rome and the remainder of his body in Glasnevin Cemetery in Dublin, beneath a round tower. His sons are buried in his crypt.

O'Connell is known in Ireland as "The Liberator" for his success in achieving Catholic Emancipation. O'Connell admired Latin American liberator Simón Bolívar, and one of his sons, Morgan O'Connell, was a volunteer officer in Bolívar's army in 1820, aged 15.[14]

The principal street in the centre of Dublin, previously called Sackville Street, was renamed O'Connell Street in his honour in the early twentieth century after the Irish Free State came into being.[15] His statue (made by the sculptor John Henry Foley, who also designed the sculptures of the Albert Memorial in London) stands at one end of the street, with a statue of Charles Stewart Parnell at the other end.

The main street of Limerick is also named after O'Connell, also with a statue at the end (in the centre of The Crescent). O'Connell Streets also exist in Ennis, Sligo, Clonmel, Melbourne and North Adelaide.

There is a museum commemorating him in Derrynane House, near the village of Derrynane, County Kerry, which was once owned by his family.

[edit] Family