Bova

Front 1

What is the aim of Bova's article?

Back 1

to bring a comparative perspective to bear in order both to provide new insight into the dynamics of the disintegration of the communist order and to consider the prospects for Soviet democratization

Front 2

Bova:

One can view the post communist transition as a subcategory of a more generic phenomenon of a transition from what kind of rule?

Back 2

Authoritarian

Front 3

Bova:

Explain the three levels of conceptual sketching in comparing the transition from communism to those from authoritarian rule.

Back 3

There is conceptual sketching on 3 levels.

1. There might be differences in the goal of regime transition
• Democratization is a common theme, but this could be interpreted differently in different situations
• In some ways, the transition from communism could be viewed as a transition to less totalitarian or even just a kind of authoritarianism

2. There might be differences in the process of regime transition
• Since there appears to be a lot of variability in the transition process on each side of the communist/non-communist divide as there is across it, comparing transitions from communism from transitions of other forms authoritarian rule seems difficult
• This paper focuses on non-revolutionary transitions where elements of the old regime play an important role in the initiation and direction of political change

3. There might be differences in the nature of authoritarianism being transformed
• It has been said that totalitarianism was different from democracy and old fashioned authoritarianism. Whereas traditional authoritarianism built walls to demarcate the boundaries beyond which civil society could not tread, totalitarian regimes aimed to crush the preexisting civil society all together
• But, the differences shouldn’t be exaggerated. Communist regimes have not only failed to achieve the total control envisioned by the totalitarian model, but especially in Post- Stalin era, have also scaled back those ambitions
• BUT even where empirical differences remain, they shouldn’t be viewed as a barrier to comparison

Front 4

Transitions from authoritarian regimes involve which two analytically distinct but empirically interrelated phenomena?

Back 4

(1) The process of breaking down the preexisting structures of authoritarian rule
(2) The task of creating new structures to take their place

Front 5

In pursuing the transition, the states goal of many reformers is to provide for a more democratic process of government, but successful dismantlement of the old order doesn’t guarantee a democratic outcome. Provide an example of this.

Back 5

the 1917 revolution in Russia ended tsarist rule but failed to establish the foundations for an effective functioning democracy AND in 1990, Gorbachev’s reforms had stripped the Communist Party of much power the prospects for democracy were slim.

Front 6

What is Glasnost?

Back 6

a policy aimed at increasing access to information but over greater time it came to represent a larger package of liberalizing reforms that included:

• Greater protection of individuals from the coercive power of the state
• Expanded freedom of political expression
• Easing of travel restrictions
• New tolerance toward religious activity.

Front 7

Why is liberalization NOT democratization?

Back 7

• Democratization involves some kind of possibility for the removal of governments. Liberalized authoritarian regimes still retain the capacity to control outcomes.

Front 8

Liberalization begins with a split within the ruling regime between who?

Back 8

reformers (soft-liners) and conservatives (hardliners)

Front 9

How do reformers within a liberalizing authoritarian regime vary in their views of how far the process of reform should progress?

Back 9

o Hardliners who reject all but the most cosmetic changes
o Opponents of the regime  who want a complete and immediate break with the past
o Reformers of the regime political center
• This position is risky because it can alienate the other groups. But its useful in the early stages

Front 10

Explain why reformers are in a strong position in comparison to the opponents

Back 10

because emerging from the repression and persecution of authoritarian rule, the opposition is likely to be weak and disorganized. Also they’re scared to push too hard and it will cause political regression (going back to old way).
• In the USSR explains the failure of the Inter-Regional Group of Deputies in the Congress of People’s Deputies
• Reformers are also stronger than hardliners – because the opposition is disorganized and reformers seem to have control, hardliners remain on the defensive. Also, it is easy for reformers in positions of authority to dismantle the regime from within.

Front 11

- The political center – REFORMERS – once such an asset, can rapidly become a liability and can bring down reformist leaders who fail to adjust. This shift is caused by the relationship between what?

Back 11

Legitimacy and stability

Front 12

What is the explanation for the political stability of unpopular regimes?

Back 12

Stability is often less a function of legitimacy than of the perceived lack of availability of preferable alternatives – unpopular regimes maintain their domination through repression that makes the cost of opposition high

Front 13

With the onset of what, do the costs and risks of opposition begin to fall

Back 13

With the onset of liberalization

Front 14

What happens with the resurgence of the hardliners? (1990)

Back 14

o Given the concessions made by the regime soft-liners, conservatives are less convinced of the will of soft-liners to rein in an increasingly assertive civil society. So their struggle against reform is reenergized.
o SO the entire process is a society increasingly polarized. Therefore, the centrist position becomes more difficult. The reformist center becomes the object of scorn and distrust from both the conservative and opposition sides.
o At this point, there are two options – reversal of liberalization, or descent into chaos and maybe civil war.
o The political dynamics at work here, however don’t always guarantee the failure of the democratization process.

Front 15

What were the first steps from liberalization to democratization taken by Gorbachev in 1988?

Back 15

Two laws were passed that allowed for multiple candidate elections to legislative bodies (whose power was significantly increased).

Front 16

How were the USSR's reforms not perfected?

Back 16

they were actually designed to produce certain outcomes and protect the interests of the elite. Ex:
o refusal to legalize creation of political parties
o seemed to merely increase power and independence of Gorbachev

Front 17

Explain the argument that initial limits on democracy are actually necessary for its future success.

Back 17

o democracies are most successful when the traditional ruler stays in power and slowly grants more and more freedom
o this argument is based on the fear that if the elite begin to feel their interests being threatened, they are likely to try to subvert the process of reform.
o so should accept certain undemocratic things like: limits on political participation, a limited policy agenda, etc. to keep the elite happy
o Robert Dahl: democratic transition must be slow
o so Gorbachev’s policies, when looked at in this light, were crucial in the consolidation of a democratic system

Front 18

What ultimately happened with Gorbachev's democratization program?

Back 18

o There was no opposition that would sign on to the pact. It was not clear who, if anyone, could bargain, and make concessions in the name of the opposition.
o Yeltsin was the only conceivable possibility
o In the early summer of 1991, Gorbachev and Yeltsin made a truce.
o This may have been a tactical move by Gorbachev to recreate a political center; moving from right to left, in order to maintain the moderate reforms
o In June Yeltsin won, demonstrating the growing confidence of the democratic opposition

Front 19

What kind of modernization is needed for the evolution of democracy and why?

Back 19

capitalist modernization because the communist system lacks a business class that are most likely to challenge the regime